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1.
Fabrizio Eva 《GeoJournal》2000,52(2):295-301
Discussion of the future of Europe continues to be a marginal political issue, partly because of the resistance of states, on both the practical (bureaucratic) and conceptual levels, created by the government leaders and heads of state. In turn, the nation-states are challenged from within by independent and separatist movements that have laid bare the fundamental hypocrisy of rhetorical discussions of the principle regarding the self-determination of peoples; interfering with states (and their borders) has proven to be a taboo for Europe. The growing flexibility of the globalised economy should be paralleled by a growing flexibility in the conception of the division and political organisation of territory, but this is not the case. Further inflexibility stems from the socio-economic inequity that we accept in our daily lives as normal, in particular as regards inequality in the use and division of territory. Equality, or better egaliberté (equality and liberty), is a sufficiently dynamic and flexible concept to be taken as a point of reference in envisaging the society, Europe, and world of tomorrow. It is only through the concept of egaliberté that we can imagine a Europe based on relations between regions that are conceived and organised on multiple scales and not as region-nations conceived on the basis of ethnicity or in the name of supposed cultural homogeneity. 相似文献
2.
The position of Croatia on the border of larger geographic wholes (Central Europe, the Mediterranean, the Balkans) makes it a transitional region for these larger areas. However, the Pannonian region of Croatia, as the largest part of its national territory, places it in the ranks of the Central European states. The long historical ties of the Croatian lands with the Austrian and Hungarian centers of Central European power also confirm Croatia's affiliation with Central Europe. The cultural, civilization, religious and other characteristics, which today ease Croatia's communications with Central European countries, are unavoidable. With state independence, Croatia acquired the political sovereignty vital for its Central European orientation and was liberated from the problems of the Balkans, although it is still struggling for its territorial integrity. Croatian statehood was realized soon after the reunification of Germany, which in fact renewed the concept and content of Central Europe. This fact opened many questions tied to the rivalry and political balance of the European powers, which is also connected to the geopolitical position of Croatia. 相似文献
3.
Virginie Mamadouh 《GeoJournal》1999,47(3):477-486
Differences between the national political cultures of the European states are puzzling. They are too often taken for granted
or treated as an elusive explanation for residual differences that can not be accounted for in comparative politics. Here
they are put at the core of a comparative analysis. This article explores the origins of differences between national political
cultures. It deals with national political cultures from the perspective of Cultural Theory or grid-group analysis. A national
political culture is conceived as a ‘conversation’ between subcultures associated to national political institutions and practices
(and not as an aggregated pattern of individual orientations toward political objects). National political cultures can be
characterised on the basis of ideal typical patterns of relations between the basic cultures or rationalities distinguished
by Cultural Theory. After an assessment of the differences between the national political cultures of the Member States of
the European Union, the paper considers traditional family structures as possible sources of differentiation, elaborating
upon the work of the French political historian Emmanuel Todd who has documented the correspondence between the geography
of traditional family structures and the geography of ideologies in Europe.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
4.
Christy Collis 《GeoJournal》2010,75(4):387-395
This is an article about the politics of territory in Antarctica. It revolves around what at first seems like a very simple geopolitical question: who owns Antarctica? As this article demonstrates, this seemingly simple question is far from easy to answer: it cannot be answered with a straightforward list of states, nor by conventional geopolitical understandings of territorial possession (Agnew and Corbridge, Mastering space: Hegemony, territory, and international political economy, 1995). Struggles between states for territorial possession has characterised much recent geopolitical history; struggles for Antarctica do not entirely follow this pattern, and revolve instead on the nature and the concept of territorial possession itself. The article focuses in particular on the debates about, and changes to, Antarctic legal and geopolitical territories triggered by the 1957–1958 International Geophysical Year: before the IGY Antarctica was an unstable composite of state claims, unclaimed terra nullius, and terra communis or land unavailable to state claim. By the 1959 Antarctic Treaty, this unstable composite legal and geopolitical geography emerged as a new form of territory, one in which the conventional global mode of territory—state possession—was no longer dominant. Understanding Antarctic legal geographies adds depth to critical geopolitical studies which focus on the ways in which space is actively constructed by specific discourses, understandings, and groups. 相似文献
5.
Pirouz Mojtahed-Zadeh 《GeoJournal》2005,62(1-2):51-58
It is universally accepted that the need for defining precise lines of separation and points of contacts between states is the byproduct of the emergence of nation-states and ‘world economy’ in the 19th century Europe. Nevertheless, it is hard to overlook the fact that these modern notions are rooted in periods prior to the emergence in Europe of nation-states. There are indications that ancient civilizations were familiar with the notion of ‘state’ in connection with the concepts of territory and boundary. Ancient texts reveal that this basic principle existed in ancient Persian literature in respect of matters of state, territory, and boundary. Similarly, the likelihood exists that these Persian notions could have influenced Roman civilization. It is widely believed that a combination of ancient Greco-Roman and Persian civilizations is a major contributor to what culturally constitutes ‘West’. Later in the Sassanid period the inter-linked notions of state, territory, and boundary developed substantially, coming quite close to their contemporary forms. On the other hand, considering that ‘justice’ was the corner stone of ancient Persian Political philosophy, the idea that ancient Persian spatial arrangement might have contributed to the evolution of the concept of democracy in the West may not be too difficult to contemplate. 相似文献
6.
John S. Brown 《Mineralium Deposita》1970,5(2):103-119
Tabulation of the conclusions of prominent contemporary workers on the Mississippi Valley lead-zinc ore shows North American opinion converging toward acceptance of a dominantly connate marine, but epigenetic ore fluid with probably minor additions from deeper sources. Fluid inclusions are taken as a reliable index of the nature of the ore solution. European opinion, in contrast, is divided almost equally between proponents of syngenesis-diagnesis, and of magmatic-epigenetic origin, with a third contingent, mainly French, supporting a hydatogene concept based on deeply circulating meteoric water. Little attention has been given to fluid inclusions in Europe. The author evaluates these hypotheses in the light of his considerable experience with Mississippi Valley ore deposits, emphasizing the basis for the North American concept, and pointing out weaknesses in the syngenetic-diagenetic explanation. The probability of hybrid sources for both American and European deposits is stressed, and offered as a solution to the mystery of the typically North American J-type, and European B-type anomalies of lead isotope composition.
Résumé L'éditeur du symposium (New York, 1966) sur les gisements de plomb-zinc du type Mississippi Valley, ici examine ces resultats et les supplée de contributions subsequentes. Arrangement en tableaux des conclusions d'autorités contemporains montre que l'opinion en Amérique du Nord converge vers l'acceptance d'un fluide marin conné, mais epigénétique, avec d'additions mineurs de sources profondes. Les inclusions fluides sont acceptées comme bonne indication de la nature de la solution responsable de minéralization. L'opinion européene, au contraire, se divide également entre les proponents de syngénèse-diagénèse et ceux qui favorisent une origine magmatique-epigénétique. Une troisième rue, particulièrement francaise, supporte un concept hydatogène, utilisant des eaux météoriques circulants profondement. En Europe les inclusions fluides ont été peu etudiées au présent.L'auteur evalue ces hypothèses accentuant les bases du concept Américain, et signalant les objections à l'explication syngénétique-diagénètique. La probabilité d'un origin hybride de gisements Américains et Européens est accentuée et est offerte comme éxplication de la mystère d'anomalies des isotopes du plomb de J-type en Amérique et de B-type en Europe.相似文献
7.
Ivan Gams Dr. 《GeoJournal》1991,24(4):331-340
The territory of the youngest European state is crossed by strategically important passes, the lowest in the entire Alps, leading from the Danubian basin to the Mediterranean (Italy). Thus, the Slovenes had been under cultural, civilization and political domination of centers from these two parts of Europe all until 1918. Because the mountanous land forms, dissected also by valleys and basins, were prone to processes of diffucion rather than fusion, the Slovenians became a national and political subject of their own as late as 19th C. From 1918 to 1990 they were joined with Yugoslavia, a SE European state, and learnt to their cost all the differences between the cultures of W and Central Europe on the one hand, and SE and E Europe and the Near East on the other. Hence the plebiscite decision by the nation for an independent state. 相似文献
8.
H. Schaeben 《Mathematical Geology》1982,14(3):205-216
Density estimation on the unit sphere by kernel methods may be conceived as a process of approximation by singular integrals. This concept aids in the solution of the main problems concerning the contouring of fabric diagrams. The optimal size of the counting element in Schmidt's method with respect to the mean integrated square error (MISE)of the density estimation is given. It proved that the optimal size is not only a function of the sample size but seriously depends on the smoothness of the density of directions on the sphere. In the light of approximation theory the Schmidt method of contouring is qualified as a moving average process; an example of a more refined density estimator is given. 相似文献
9.
Pirouz Mojtahed-Zadeh 《GeoJournal》2006,66(4):273-283
Erratum to: GeoJournal 62: 51–58 DOI 10.1007/s10708-005-8562-2 The erroneous version of this article was originally published in GeoJournal 62: 51–58. This amended version corrects the formatting errors which are evident in the original version.Abstract It is universally accepted that the need for defining precise lines of separation and points of contacts between states is the byproduct of the emergence of nation-states and ‘world economy’ in the nineteenth century Europe. Nevertheless, it is hard to overlook the fact that these modern notions are rooted in periods prior to the emergence in Europe of nation-states. There are indications that ancient civilizations were familiar with the notion of ‘state’ in connection with the concepts of territory and boundary. Ancient texts reveal that this basic principle existed in ancient Persian literature in respect of matters of state, territory, and boundary. Similarly, the likelihood exists that these Persian notions could have influenced Roman civilization. It is widely believed that a combination of ancient Greco-Roman and Persian civilizations is a major contributor to what culturally constitutes ‘West’. Later in the Sassanid period the inter-linked notions of state, territory, and boundary developed substantially, coming quite close to their contemporary forms. On the other hand, considering that ‘justice’ was the corner stone of ancient Persian Political philosophy, the idea that ancient␣Iranian spatial arrangement might have contributed to the evolution of the concept of democracy in the West may not be too difficult to contemplate.The online version of the original article can be found at 相似文献
10.
《Geoforum》2015
The world has recently been witness to the emergence of a new contemporary geopolitical phenomenon: the declaration of Islamic States by specific Islamic organizations. This phenomenon has the potential to dramatically transform the geopolitical setting of the Middle East and to have farreaching effects on a global level. Of these most prominent, however, has undoubtedly been the June 2014 declaration by the “Islamic State” organization of a “caliphate” covering large areas of the two war-torn states of Syria and Iraq. The aim of this article is to interrogate the territorial aspects of the Islamic State and to discern what makes it unique and exceptional in comparison to the many other Islamic political organizations that have emerged in recent years. In order to facilitate a better understanding of territoriality, I distinguish here between two major dimensions: conceptions of territoriality and tactics of territoriality. My working assumption is that by distinguishing between conceptions and tactics of territoriality, we can compare the exercise of territoriality by states and, in the present case, organizations. In this article, I argue that the Islamic State poses a challenge to both the conceptual and tactical dimensions of the contemporary territory and territoriality of modern states. Yet, while its conception of territoriality may be widely shared by other political Islamic organizations, its uniqueness lies in its tactics and strategies. Indeed, it is the brutal tactics of the Islamic State that are less acceptable to many Muslims around the world, not its political conception, which enjoys considerable support in the Muslim arena. Yet, when comparing it with modern states, the Islamic State poses a challenge to the territory and territoriality in both conception and tactics. 相似文献
11.
Mark Wise 《Geoforum》2007,38(1):171-189
The political salience of demands from minority and regional groups for greater language rights increases across Europe. To draw more geographical attention to a particular aspect of these developments, this article identifies the main generic problems of converting demands for ‘linguistic rights’ into applied language policies. It does this by first outlining how the historic process of nation-state building in Europe reduced linguistic diversity, but has not eliminated language demands emanating from regional minorities. It then analyses how the concept of ‘linguistic rights’, as a part of human rights in general, has been developing within the United Nations and bodies including the Council of Europe and the European Union. Having outlined the political-legal frameworks within which minority language rights are pursued, the article then discusses the major difficulties of putting them into practice in particular places and spaces. They can be summarised as: the weakness of relevant international agreements; the dominance of state sovereignty in determining language policies; the limited public support for minority language rights; the difficulties of defining minority languages and delimiting the geographical spaces they occupy; the challenges posed by the growing geographical mobility of populations; and the problem of balancing collective and individual rights. Two fundamental issues linking these different problems are identified. First, there are problems of definition: what constitutes a ‘minority’ or ‘regional’ language and within what geographical space(s) is such a language spoken? This spatial dimension underlies a second fundamental problem, namely that of resolving conflicts between individual personality rights and collective territorial rights in increasing hybrid geolinguistic situations created by the growing geographical mobility of populations. Sociolinguists study these issues, but usually treat these essential spatial dimensions in a superficial fashion. Thus, there is an opportunity for geographers to develop more sophisticated geolinguistic analyses as a contribution to this interdisciplinary field. 相似文献
12.
The failure of experiments with both neighborhood government and regional government has led to attempts to weld these two administrative formats. The result is the federated local authority. The urban planning function in London, England, is utilized as an example to show the failure of the federated authority concept due to its dependence on a metropolitan spirit among its citizens and on a strict division in decision-making between area and local concerns. Neither is attainable so the experiment fails at least in regard to citizen expectations concerning involvement. The proposed solution involves a weaker role for the borough or neighborhood units in the federation and an effort to support and encourage citizen involvement in decision-making via the political process. Disparities in political resources are rectified by recourse to watchdog groups to balance the growing power of technocratic planners. 相似文献
13.
The dietary regime of Equus capensis from the Middle Pleistocene of South Africa is investigated by mesowear analysis. Results indicate that the mesowear signature of this species resembles that of two extant mixed feeders, the Grant's Gazelle (Gazella granti) and the Thomson's Gazelle (Gazella thomsoni), suggesting a mixed feeding dietary strategy for E. capensis. The mesowear signature of a contemporaneous population of Equus mosbachensis from Europe (Arago, France) is also determined for comparative purposes and has a typical grazing signature. In general, all extant species of Equus are believed to be almost exclusively grazers. However, a considerable degree of dietary flexibility is recently reported. The dietary signal of E. capensis is considered to be the result of feeding on the unique fynbos vegetation, which was beginning to establish itself at this time in southwestern South Africa. Grasses are a minor component of this floral kingdom. Our findings thus provide further evidence for the unexpected flexibility in feeding strategies of Equus, the most widely distributed equid taxon in the Quaternary. They highlight the potential use of the attrition–abrasion wear equilibrium as a habitat indicator, by mirroring the availability of food items in mammalian herbivore ecosystems. 相似文献
14.
Croatia is located on the southeastern edge of Central Europe (Ruppert 1995), between the navigable Danube River and the Adriatic Sea, so that participates not only in continental traffic, but in the maritime and river traffic of Europe as well.Although the transit position of Croatia is very favorable, transportation itself has unfortunately not been developed in accordance with these advantages. This is a result of the social-economic, especially political, development of the region in the course of its history. Unfortunately, politics also influences the selection of transit routes in this part of Europe today. With the break-up of socialist states, particularly the former Yugoslavia, new states have appeared which are seeking their place in the European traffic network. Because of the momentarily uncertain political circumstances, the construction of some transit routes in Croatia have not been foreseen in international developmental plans for continental transit, despite the fact that they would be logically expected given the advantages of their position. 相似文献
15.
Robert W. McColl 《GeoJournal》1993,31(2):169-177
Worldwide, the number and the occurrence of events that create international refugees has been increasing dramatically for at least the past fifty years. Analysis of the distribution of the causes and location of refugees has revealed that refugees more often result from military actions than natural disasters. In many instances, the creation of international refugees is a conscious political and military policy, a practice that seems to be increasing. More importantly, some geographic areas seem to be continuing core areas of such practices. Finally, regardless of their cause, refugees present specific problems to national control of population and territory. States that have been open to refugee settlement seldom are neighbor states and many now find their own populations rebelling against continued aid in the form of increased immigration. Most often, contiguous states are unwilling hosts as well as unwilling sites of refugee camps. Such circumstances can cause serious social, political as well as potential military consequences. 相似文献
16.
Clare Newstead 《Geoforum》2005,36(1):45-58
Recently there has been much ado about the territorial implications of globalization. Geographers have made a significant contribution to these debates, pointing to the tension between forces of deterritorialization and those of re-territorialization. In particular, there is a growing body of work in political and economic geography that draws attention to processes of re-scaling where, at the same time as scales such as the nation-state appear threatened, new scales of economic, political and social regulation emerge. Much of this literature, however, focuses on the ability of already powerful states to re-scale their activities and manage the border crossing abilities of global capital. In this paper I examine the process of supra-national regional integration in the Caribbean as an example of re-scaling and re-territorialization in a post-colonial context. I draw attention to the historic permeability of Caribbean states and argue regionalism in the Caribbean needs to be viewed as part of a longer process of defining economic, political and cultural independence in what, for post-colonial states, has always been an interdependent world economy. This analysis suggests that while new scales can be understood as spatialized attempts to manage changing global economics, they are also ambivalent productions, and as such, sites of resistance as well as domination and regulation. 相似文献
17.
The paper discusses minorities and their problems along borders of post-WWII Europe and of nation states formed in the early 1990's. One focuses on the socio-geographic conditions of the territory settled by minorities. These territories are most often peripheral, less developed areas of the state and are, because of the constant ignorance of the local culture and language, conflict regions, where interests of the minority and majority population of the state, as well as of the neighboring countries clash. Finally, an attempt of a cross-cultural comparison is undertaken to distinguish among major elements of the minority (protection) arrangements of the Alpen-Adria region and of the areas along the long-time closed borders of Central Europe. 相似文献
18.
Klemencic V 《GeoJournal》1993,30(3):207-214
The paper discusses minorities and their problems along borders of post-WWII Europe and of nation states formed in the early 1990's. One focuses on the socio-geographic conditions of the territory settled by minorities. These territories are most often peripheral, less developed areas of the state and are, because of the constant ignorance of the local culture and language, conflict regions, where interests of the minority and majority population of the state, as well as of the neighboring countries clash. Finally, an attempt of a cross-cultural comparison is undertaken to distinguish among major elements of the minority (protection) arrangements of the Alpen-Adria region and of the areas along the long-time closed borders of Central Europe. 相似文献
19.
Michiel Wagenaar 《GeoJournal》2000,51(1-2):3-13
From the 1850s onward, the quest for an impressive capital city was answered by Haussmann's transformation of central Paris. His interventions combined the cutting of new arteries, slum clearance and embellishment.His approach had a great visual impact on foreign visitors. The Prefect made use of the proven instruments of axiality and proportion to create an awe-inspiring townscape. One of the highlights was the new Opera. Its surroundings were razed to place it in a proper perspective.The townscape of Paris soon found its emulators in Brussels, Budapest and Rome, which copied Haussmann's strategy. London and Amsterdam were tempted to follow. But most plans for new boulevards and slum clearance failed. In both cities, central areas fell prey to commercial land use, pockmarked with slums. Civic pride did provide the ingredients deemed necessary for a capital. But these lacked the scenography to place them in a proper perspective.Such a scenography required political, financial and legal tools to intervene in the built environment that were available in nations with a centralist and authoritarian political system. They were absent in liberal laissez-faire and decentralist nations such as Great Britain and The Netherlands.The lack of powerful intervention in central London and Amsterdam caused a flight to the city's fringes, where estate owners occasionally realised suburban design gems. In their colonies, however, both nations succeeded in creating impressive new capitals.
La beauté d'un monument public doit être une émanation éclatante et directe du génie vivant de tous, une profession de foi esthétique de la race. Aussi l'architecte n'est-il, par moments, que la trompette sonore dans laquelle passe le souffle puissant d'une nation; il résonne alors des vibrations qui sortent des poumons de tout un peuple César DALY, L' architecture privée au XIXe siècle (sous Napoléon III). Nouvelles maisons de Paris et ses Environs. Paris, 1864–1872. Pp. 11–12. 相似文献
20.
Herman van der Wusten 《GeoJournal》2000,51(1-2):129-133
Capital cities are politico-administrative centers. They are command centers, they symbolize authority and also the unit that is governed. Primarily they are capitals of states, but other governance systems may also have capitals. In the European context there are now regional capital cities and at least the concept of a European capital. Particularly on account of their symbolic function but also for the uses made of its appearance in political life, the cityscape of capital cities is an interesting topic for research. There are different types of capital cities in Europe that give rise to different cityscapes. Existing urban networks and types of political regime are important in this respect. Although cityscapes are pretty stable, they are differently perceived over time and uses made of them also change. A research agenda for this intersection of historical, cultural and political geography should concentrate on the evolution of these cityscapes, their perception and the uses made of them in the acting out of politics. 相似文献