共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Zaire Z. Dinzey‐Flores 《Singapore journal of tropical geography》2012,33(2):198-211
In 1992, Puerto Rico's governor and police superintendent incorporated the National Guard with local police in a militarized battle against crime. Mano dura contra el crimen (strong arm/iron fist against crime) policies led to the gating of 82 public housing communities in the island. Simultaneously, privileged private communities organized and petitioned municipalities to retrofit their neighbourhoods with gates in the name of safety. These enclosures followed the privatized management of all public housing communities in the island only a few years before. Based on ethnographic research, I examine the sociospatial outcomes of these policies, how they reframe community participation and deploy a discourse of self‐responsibility that distributes power unequally across private and public housing communities. While in the privileged communities these policies have cultivated community leaders and invigorated social life as residents take control over public space, the gates in the communities of the poor reflect a skeletal structure of democracy. Private management companies impose increasingly restrictive regulations in attempts to organize the community and the only recourse to participation is to engage in small acts of everyday resistance, from apathy to subversion. As part of larger neoliberal tendencies to retrench the ‘public’ in favour of the ‘private’, the mano dura policies curtail democracy as the voices of the poor are silenced and the scope of efficacy of the rich expands. 相似文献
2.
已有研究表明,中国城市有独立居住意愿和实现独立居住安排的老年人比例不断上升,这将对家庭养老和社区治理产生影响。本文基于理性选择理论,利用2018—2019年在广州旧街坊社区、单位社区、保障房社区、商品房社区、城中村社区和城郊农村社区收集的老年人问卷调查数据,从个人理性、家庭理性和社区理性三个层次出发,选取人口、健康、经济、代际关系和社区关系因素构建指标体系,用ANOVA单因素方差法分析独立居住老年人的特征及其社区分异,构建二元Logistic回归模型分析老年人独立居住的影响因素及其社区分异。研究发现：① 与和子女同住的老年人相比,独立居住的老年人年龄大、受教育程度高、拥有本地户口、个人经济能力强、有住房所有权、代际关系松散以及社区关系紧密等特征更明显。② 老年人的人口特征、社会经济属性和居住选择在不同类型社区中表现出明显的差异性。③ 老年人的个人理性、家庭理性和社区理性按不同的方式组合,形成了差异化的选择机制。 相似文献
3.
中国电子信息产业创新的集群网络模式与演化路径 总被引：2，自引：1，他引：1
流空间背景下,多空间尺度网络耦合对创新至关重要已达成学界共识。综合运用区位熵与社会网络分析,识别32个电子信息产业集群,进而基于1985—2015年合作申请发明专利数据,运用卡方检验和Infomap社区发现算法,借助Pajek和ArcGIS等软件,揭示中国电子信息产业创新合作空间模式,探讨创新网络空间组织演化规律。结果表明：① 中国电子信息产业创新合作呈现集群互联的模式,集群区域的创新主体更倾向于同本地和其他集群区域的创新主体合作,这与非集群区域的创新主体结网方式明显不同,印证了关系经济地理学者提出的全球集群网络论断。② 集群创新网络社区的空间组织从位于集群地理边界内,本地化特征显著,演化为超越集群地理边界,呈现等级差异明显的核心-边缘层级式特征,反映出地理邻近对集群主体创新结网影响程度的动态变化。 相似文献
4.
Statelessness, displacement and exile, far from being particular moments in history, continue to affect the lives of Palestinians living in Sydney, in the maintenance of national identity and community formation. The impacts that displacement and subsequent ‘statelessness’ have had on the ways in which Palestinians maintain a sense of national identity have similarities with those of other ‘displaced’ peoples. Without the recognition of national boundaries to secure national sovereignty (Palestine) and accommodate the continuation of a shared and inherited history, the most significant element through which Palestinian identity is kept ‘alive’ is the one thing that all Palestinians share: a communal sense of injustice which involves being denied the right to live in, or return to, their homeland. Statelessness, nationalism and the now ‘imagined community’ of Palestine are more crucial for Palestinians living in Sydney than more primordial elements of identity, such as language or local community. Statelessness and exile in Australia have constructed a particular sense of Palestinian nationalism. The continuity of Palestinian identity as a primarily political phenomenon is a situation analogous to that of other diasporic refugee communities. 相似文献
5.
ELIZABETH LUNSTRUM 《Geographical review》2008,98(3):339-355
ABSTRACT. Central to its transformation from a state‐centered to a neoliberal, free‐market economy, in 1997 the Mozambican state passed a radical new land law that guarantees the rights of individuals and communities to occupy land and transfer land‐use titles, a move seen as necessary for attracting private investment. By comparing how the land law has been applied to the Limpopo National Park and several adjacent villages, I show how it has led to geographically uneven land reform. More specifically, outside the park, the law has enabled the semiprivatization of community lands, in theory protecting community land rights. However, the application of the law within the park has resulted in the further nationalization of this space, which is leading to land dispossession for communities within the park's borders. I thus show how neoliberal land reform is giving rise to a seemingly contradictory type of “neoliberal state space.” 相似文献
6.
社区恢复力研究进展及其地理学研究议题 总被引：10，自引：2，他引：8
随着人口、资源与环境的矛盾日益加深,灾害已成为可持续发展的重要障碍。在这一背景下,恢复力成为推动社会经济系统可持续发展的新理念和新范式。恢复力研究的范式也由早期的生态恢复力逐渐转向社区恢复力的研究。现有的社区恢复力研究成果主要集中在概念内涵探索、影响因素识别、基于客观指标和基于行动者感知的社区恢复力测度等方面。迄今尚未形成公认的可接受的社区恢复力理论框架;对普通乡村社区研究较多,对特定资源依赖型社区恢复力研究较少;对突发性自然灾害对社区恢复力的影响研究较多,对其他灾害和危机对社区恢复力的影响研究较少;社区恢复力测度方法的适用性和科学性仍待加强;社区恢复力关键影响因素的作用机制仍需进一步探索。在此基础上,提出从地理学视角研究社区恢复力的主要议题,包括社区恢复力的形成机制及其区域差异、动态演变过程、影响因素的作用机理、基于人地关系的社区恢复力感知量表以及具有尺度效应的社区恢复力测度指数等。 相似文献
7.
Nelson Turgo 《Singapore journal of tropical geography》2013,34(3):373-389
Home‐based neighbourhood stores (locally known in the Philippines as sari‐sari stores) are a ubiquitous feature of most Philippine communities. They are small to medium‐size trade stores not unlike convenience stores in the West where people buy goods in small quantities. In the Philippines, these stores play a vital role in providing everyday economic sustenance to low‐income communities. But more than an economic hub, sari‐sari stores also function as a social hub that connects people and acts as eyes and ears of the community through the people who make use of their services. In a sense, sari‐sari stores are the community's ‘myopticon’ where people's day‐to‐day dealings with everyone in the community and its environs are reported and discursively brought under the gaze of the ‘entire community’. Being myopticon as opposed to Foucault's panopticon, surveillance in sari‐sari stores is partial, non‐hierarchicalized and could be resisted by people in the community. Nonetheless, regardless of the ‘myoptic’ features of sari‐sari stores, their presence in the community ‘interpellates’ everyone's daily existence and instantiates a discursive space from which a structure of informal social control is enacted among community members. Sari‐sari stores then are an important reminder of how our built environment is also about contestation and negotiation of everyday life as we make use of space and as the architectonics of space both constrain and empower our manoeuvring in places. 相似文献
8.
城市建成环境对居住安全感的影响——基于全国278个城市社区的实证分析 总被引：7，自引：4，他引：3
利用CGSS、POI、道路网等数据,通过多层线性模型分析中国城市建成环境对居住安全感的影响。总体来看,混合型、密路网、紧凑型的建成环境对个体的居住安全感具有显著的负向影响。而“街道眼”的保护机制并非是自动产生的,唯有在社区凝聚力较高、人口构成较为同质的社会环境下,传统城市空间形态才能起到增进居住安全感的作用。因此,不应把当前“窄马路、密路网、开放型”的规划转型仅仅视为一项空间设计工作,而须与社区发展相结合,以使“街道眼”的功效得以充分发挥。 相似文献
9.
This paper analyses the recent developments in public space policy in the city of Hanoi, Vietnam. It has three aims. The first is to look at a potentially progressive urban policy in contrast to most work on ‘policies in motion’ that has primarily been concerned with neoliberal policies. The second is to put the process of public space policymaking in Hanoi in historical and cultural perspective. We therefore describe public space in Hanoi as historically constituted by different layers of meaning and physical urban patterns. The paper's third aim is to analyse the translocal connections involved in a policy that is still in the making, and therefore characterized by a series of ‘loose threads’. We show how different types of connections – policy mobility, topological relations and inter‐referencing – relate Hanoi to multiple locales elsewhere. The conclusion reflects on the ‘politics of reception’ showing how analysing a policy in the making develops a critical analysis of policies in motion. 相似文献
10.
《Urban geography》2013,34(3):201-215
While the United Kingdom's emerging brand of Third Way Urban Policy (TWUP) often associates itself with a kind of anarchic vision of self-regulating and self-reproducing local communities, it can in fact be thought of as a thinly veiled moral crusade against vulnerable residents living in deprived neighborhoods. Indeed TWUP might be best conceived as a "flanking support" for the neoliberal turn in urban governance in British cities; morally commendable communities are defined as those who can reattach themselves to the "mainstream" and stand on their own two feet within the terms set by neoliberal market economics. When these morally charged interventions fail to connect locally, they have the potential to stir conflict over who has the authority to judge forms of community life. Mapping and accounting for the uneven development of moral conflicts over community is therefore a pressing concern. To this end, this paper presents a comparative analysis of the different ways in which moral disputes over community have surfaced in two neighborhoods, in particular—the Gorbals in central Glasgow and Ballymun in north Dublin, neighborhoods that have become iconic of the British approach to urban renewal. 相似文献
11.
Sarah Prout 《The Australian geographer》2004,35(1):95-110
Housing for government‐employed staff in remote Aboriginal communities is a topic that raises considerable debate amongst those whom it affects. Striking at the heart of Australia's effort towards reconciliation and a legacy of policy failure, debate regarding standards and siting of staff housing is highly political in nature. In Burringurrah, Western Australia, two government agencies recently undertook projects to provide staff housing within the community. Each agency approached its projects differently, but in both cases response at the ‘grassroots’ level was negative. This paper argues that a primary, but indirect, influence on ‘community’ satisfaction was the ideological structure of each agency. It follows, then, that understanding this organisational context is crucial to achieving more appropriate housing outcomes in the community. 相似文献
12.
Luke Drake 《Urban geography》2013,34(2):177-196
Community-produced spaces such as community gardens are attracting widespread scholarly interest for the potential of not only food production, but also for social, environmental, and educational benefits. Yet community gardens have also been scrutinized as sites of governmentality that produce neoliberal subjects. In this article, six case studies are analyzed as representative of three ways to organize and manage gardens—grassroots, externally-organized, and active nonprofit management. I use performativity theory to examine how definitions and enactments of community can be used to include, exclude, or bridge difference. The analysis highlights some of the specific moments in garden organizing and management that influence participation or resistance to community-oriented urban food production. 相似文献
13.
Nicolas Lewis 《New Zealand geographer》2012,68(3):168-174
This review responds to Richard Peet's ‘policy regimes’ account of New Zealand's neoliberal experiment published in this volume of the New Zealand Geographer. It welcomes Peet's intervention, especially its comparative approach and its political economy focus, but suggests further insight may have been gained from closer engagement with the work of New Zealand geographers. The review argues that Peet misses opportunities to learn from the New Zealand case. The review subjects a ‘northern’ account of southern experience to a critique by ‘splitting’, a characteristically southern approach to analysing social change from the Antipodes that pays close attention to the situatedness of knowledge production. 相似文献
14.
ELIZABETH KTEATHER 《New Zealand geographer》1996,52(2):35-45
Evidence from questionnaires completed by members of five rural women's organisations in 1994 and 1995 (three traditional and two younger organisations) clarifies the motives women have, and the identities they assume, in joining these organisations. The older organisations attract women who wish to make a commitment to their community but newer organisations attract women who see themselves as farmers, or as employees and professionals in the agricultural industry. This represents a major shift in gender dimensions of rurality that has taken place during the last twenty years or so. It indicates a ‘mobilisation’ of rural and farm women who seek to participate fully - in their productive role and in the public sphere - in the attempt to maintain the viability of family farms and rural communities. The role that organisations for men and women play in constituting the meaning of gender is discussed. 相似文献
15.
利用2012年和2017年《福布斯中国名人榜单》中娱乐明星行动轨迹数据探索中国娱乐传媒产业全球生产网络的空间组织模式。研究发现：① 中国娱乐传媒产业的全球化经历了“产品引进”“产品输出”“对外投资并购与跨国生产”几个阶段,具有明显的内需驱动式全球化特点;② 中国娱乐传媒产业生产网络形成较为明显的“核心-边缘”结构,相较于典型制造业生产网络表现出更加快速的动态演化特征;③ 娱乐传媒产业各类价值活动的地理分布呈现出显著的差异,反映出不同价值环节的需求与各区域平台、资源或市场条件的战略耦合关系;④ 中国娱乐传媒产业的国外活动呈现出向西方发达国家和亚洲邻近国家集聚的趋势,体现出发达国家主导的全球娱乐传媒市场结构以及“地理-文化邻近效应”的作用。 相似文献
16.
Diganta Das 《Singapore journal of tropical geography》2015,36(2):231-248
Over the past few decades, cities and city regions have become the core of the global economy. Regional governments are increasingly drafting city development policies and implementing them through various visioning documents with the aim of making cities more global, networked and competitive. Welfarist governments especially in the global South are becoming increasingly entrepreneurial, and in the process poor citizens are getting pushed to the margins, evicted from their land and relocated to city fringes. Hyderabad in India provides an interesting illustration of neoliberal development trends in which poor local farmers are forced off their land to make way for a ‘world‐class’ knowledge enclave, popularly known as Cyberabad. This paper examines the policies and processes by which the regional government has sought to brand Hyderabad as a world‐class information technology destination and to restructure and reimagine it as a key node in a network of ‘globally connected cities’ of the world. It also considers the making of Cyberabad in terms of splintering urbanism, which is often understood as a defining feature of contemporary neoliberal urban processes. 相似文献
17.
辽宁省老年宜居社区人居环境评价 总被引：2，自引：2，他引：0
在国内外学者研究基础上,立足中国国情,基于老年宜居社区内涵,探索性地构建了老年宜居社区人居环境评价指标体系。基于多源数据,选择辽宁省149个城市社区进行实证研究,结果表明：① 从整体上看,参评社区老年宜居环境质量较差,绝大多数的社区尚未对已经到来的老龄化社会做好充分的准备;② 从空间分布特征来看,整体呈现“中部?南部凸起,西北?北部凹陷”的分布格局,大连市和沈阳市形成“双核”引领辽宁省老年宜居环境质量的发展。③ 分系统研究表明,设施系统的质量最差。各城市在分系统上的优劣势有所差异。④ 从公共指标与专项指标的对比来看,公共指标评价值明显高于专项指标,社区人居环境建设存在代际不公平现象。 相似文献
18.
Community and Social Capital in Upper-Income Neighborhoods: An Investigation in Metropolitan Phoenix
《Urban geography》2013,34(8):1065-1079
This study investigates how upper-income residents respond to neoliberal practices and private governance in forming unusual community relationships in landscapes seemingly devoid of traditional social capital. Based on field work in three communities in metropolitan Phoenix, it was concluded that through private groups and an intrinsic nature to know others, residents create meaningful relationships at scales other than the neighborhood or municipality and focus on nontraditional, privatized community institutions. Whereas these new relationships enhance residents' feelings of connectedness, they generally promote bonding over bridging social capital. Moreover, the draconian effects homeowners or property owners' associations have on normative landscape and behavioral constraints tend to wane considerably as the transition from the developer's idea of place and the residents' vision of place occurs temporally. 相似文献
19.
Hannah Della Bosca 《The Australian geographer》2019,50(1):49-68
Deliberative democracy in the form of community participation is considered a ‘key priority’ in New South Wales (NSW) environmental planning. Community participation plays an increasingly central role in state significant developments, which are often sites of contestation. Community participation processes draw upon particular factors of place-based identity, which engage with notions of procedural legitimacy in subtle and not-so-subtle ways. This paper uses a legal geography analysis to explore this link between place-based identity and the experience of procedural legitimacy. We highlight a case study in which a contested coal mining development near Lithgow, NSW was approved by the NSW Planning Assessment Commission (PAC). This analysis examines how ‘local’ justice was constructed and mobilised in specific ways by proponents and opponents alike. Spatial factors of identity manifested in distinct ways in participation processes, particularly with respect to (i) claims to legitimacy and (ii) the lived experiences of engagement in a public forum. This case study demonstrates the way in which dualistic spatial terms such as ‘outsider’ opposition and ‘local’ support can render multiple interests of both human and non-human communities invisible. In so doing we are engaging with current work on environmental justice that examines the intersection of scale, efficacy and equity in processes of environmental governance. 相似文献
20.
Waquar Ahmed 《Singapore journal of tropical geography》2014,35(2):179-196
The Indian economy suffered a balance of payment crisis in 1991, which provided the context for the rolling out of neoliberal policies, also referred to as the New Economic Policy in India. This paper examines the national and global causes and context of India's economic crisis and adoption of neoliberal policies. While grounding my analysis in historical‐geographical materialism, I argue that India's economic crisis was a product of certain contingent conditions. I draw attention to India's pre‐neoliberal economic regime and analyse how the earlier‐established relationship between revenue generation and expenditure ran into trouble; what changes occurred in the organization and management of revenues and capital; nature of interventions of the state in the circulation of capital; changes in the physical aspects of circulation of commodities, together with foreign trade and the formation of the ‘world market’; and the rise of the United States as the only global superpower. I conclude that India's economic crisis of 1990–91, and the neoliberal policies that followed, are products of contingent historical and geographical conditions. A teleological approach towards examining global capitalism and production of economic crisis often neglect such contingencies and provide a set of causalities that may, at best, be classified as incomplete. 相似文献