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1.
Alternative Places of Detention (APODs) are a new way of detaining asylum seekers in Australia. The establishment of APODs creates a new formal structure of belonging in Australia which challenges everyday practices of belonging and senses of belonging at the local and national scale. This paper examines practices of belonging which emerged following the establishment of the Inverbrackie APOD in Woodside, South Australia. Using a critical discourse analysis approach, informed by the insights of theories of performativity, this research explores the competing stories of two broadly defined groups (opponents and supporters of Inverbrackie) engaged in a dialogue about asylum seekers, refugees, immigration detention and belonging. While opposition to the APOD was vocal and frequent in the lead-up to the establishment of the detention centre, once the Inverbrackie APOD became operational opponents’ voices began to fade. On the other hand, supporters continued to say things—and more importantly continued to do things—to nurture belonging for asylum seekers in Inverbrackie, Woodside, and Australia. 相似文献
2.
Racism has become a fact of life in Australia over the past decade or so, yet there are relatively few studies of its nature or extent, and still fewer on its geography. Using a social constructivist approach, this study draws on a survey of 5056 respondents to investigate attitudes to racism and cultural diversity in New South Wales and Queensland, and of perceptions of out-groups as instances of ‘strangers in our midst’. On racism, results show the presence of a continuum of attitudes ranging from generally tolerant to generally intolerant, a presence which cuts across compositional (social or aspatial) characteristics to emphasise the existence of a distinctive geography, an everywhere different nature to racist and non-racist attitudes which transcends urban–rural and traditional social layers. On the other hand, perceptions of out-groups are not uniformly correlated with presence or absence of cultural diversity. In many cases, the ability to make judgements about significant ‘others’ or out-groups has been shown to relate more to abstract notions of self and national identity, reproduced in public by mainstream news media and political leaders. In particular, it may reflect an Anglo (or Anglo-Celtic) view on nationalism, which is a hallmark of the ‘new racism’: an assimilationist or ethnocultural view of Australian society which is different from the ‘civic nation’ ideal envisaged by multiculturalism. That the geography of attitudes and perceptions people have towards and about different cultural groups is so ‘everywhere different’ has important implications for attempts to address and redress issues of intolerance in Australia. 相似文献
3.
John Agnew 《Geographical review》2019,109(4):507-526
The year 2018 saw a moral panic in the United States in the media and among many citizens over the treatment of refugees/asylees at the U.S. southern border, particularly the separation and detention of children apart from their parents. This happened in the context of a period in U.S. political history in which “immigration,” without much discernment about different types of immigration, was central to political discourse. In fact, in terms of numbers, there was no immigration crisis at the border. Undocumented migration from Mexico across the southern border of the United States has been in decline for many years, and the irregular movement of people from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras is currently small by historical standards. The only crisis, to which the U.S. panic was a response, has been a human rights crisis. Families and children seeking asylum from horrendous civil‐rights conditions in their countries of origin were criminalized and denied their right to asylum hearings. The panic points both to the extreme politicization of immigration in the United States, particularly since Donald Trump's entry into national politics in 2015, and to popular confusion over categorizing different types of immigrants. But it also raises questions about the nature of the U.S. southern border in relation to the United States’ place in the world. Rather than thinking about the United States as simply the rich destination country of unfortunate people coming from poor origin countries, the refugee panic of 2018 brings into the focus the fact that the United States itself is complicit in the conditions in those countries that produce so many refugees in the first place. 相似文献
4.
Kylie Budge 《The Australian geographer》2019,50(2):185-199
Creative cities contribute much to the cultural economies and identities of a nation, shaping imagination and talent, and contributing to the sense of livability and place. Artists, designers, crafters, tinkerers, and even small-scale manufacturers are at the heart of urban rejuvenation in cities such as Brooklyn in New York, and Newcastle and Melbourne in Australia. Increasingly this activity is referred to in the public realm via the media, including social media, through the all-encompassing term ‘making’. Yet in much public policy, this activity is framed through previously held notions: artists, culture, and the precincts associated with this life. I explore this disjuncture by focusing on a case study of Australia’s largest city, Sydney, to interrogate the current schism between public and policy discourse. I share findings about the role of discourse, community consultation, and timing in policy development to argue that valuing making in cities requires commitment to continual community consultation to ensure policy currency, with makers as key stakeholders in this dialogue. Furthermore, the intersection of policy domains is required to prevent isolating making into one policy area. I highlight implications for the imagining of creative cities. 相似文献
5.
Statelessness, displacement and exile, far from being particular moments in history, continue to affect the lives of Palestinians living in Sydney, in the maintenance of national identity and community formation. The impacts that displacement and subsequent ‘statelessness’ have had on the ways in which Palestinians maintain a sense of national identity have similarities with those of other ‘displaced’ peoples. Without the recognition of national boundaries to secure national sovereignty (Palestine) and accommodate the continuation of a shared and inherited history, the most significant element through which Palestinian identity is kept ‘alive’ is the one thing that all Palestinians share: a communal sense of injustice which involves being denied the right to live in, or return to, their homeland. Statelessness, nationalism and the now ‘imagined community’ of Palestine are more crucial for Palestinians living in Sydney than more primordial elements of identity, such as language or local community. Statelessness and exile in Australia have constructed a particular sense of Palestinian nationalism. The continuity of Palestinian identity as a primarily political phenomenon is a situation analogous to that of other diasporic refugee communities. 相似文献
6.
James Forrest Ron Johnston Frank Siciliano David Manley Kelvyn Jones 《The Australian geographer》2017,48(4):457-472
Recent decades have seen substantial growth across many developed-world countries of right-wing populist political parties whose policies oppose immigration and multiculturalism as threats to the majority way of life there. These are exemplified in Australia by Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party, which was successful at elections there at the turn of the twenty-first century and again in 2016. Part of this party’s rhetoric focuses on the geography of immigrant groups in Australia’s cities, with claims that their members live in ghettos. Is that factually correct? Using data from the 2011 Australian census this paper analyses the distribution of Asians and Muslims (the two groups picked out by One Nation and its leader) at four spatial scales within the country’s 11 largest urban areas. It finds no evidence at all of intensive residential segregation of Muslims, and although there are concentrations of Asians—notably in Sydney and Melbourne—most residents claiming Asian ancestry live in neighbourhoods and suburbs where they form a minority (in many cases a small minority) only of the local population. 相似文献
7.
Adrian Gonzalez 《社会与自然资源》2018,31(6):649-665
This paper sets out to evaluate the freedom of voice for Peruvian stakeholders affected by hydrocarbon development. This occurs through the utilization of a political ecology of voice (PEV) theoretical framework based upon the theory of voice by Albert Hirschman and political ecology. PEV can be defined as the study of economic, political, social, and geographical factors over a specific time period and their impact upon the use of voice by stakeholders. Peru’s case study was focused on its main oil-producing Loreto Region and incorporated evaluation of hydrocarbon voice mechanisms (prior consultation and environmental impact assessments) supported by interview testimony of stakeholders and state officials. PEV analysis reveals a political environment which is dangerous, inflexible, and intolerant of Peruvian stakeholders voicing over hydrocarbon development. This is due to the state’s zealous pursuit of its “selva (rainforest) hydrocarbon and development vision” which severely undermines Peruvian stakeholder’s freedom of voice. 相似文献
8.
Carol Farbotko 《The Australian geographer》2018,49(2):247-253
On 4 December 2017 the Australian Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee is due to report on its inquiry into the implications of climate change for Australia's national security. Public submissions to the inquiry closed on 4 August 2017 and, at the time of writing, some 59 submissions had been made by researchers, public-interest organisations and members of the public, including a number of geographers. A topic of profound significance, climate change and national security warrants deep and sustained public engagement such as that offered by the Senate Inquiry submission process. In this Thinking Space essay, I urge geographers, working in Australia and internationally, to make ongoing contributions to such engagements. The emerging debate about climate change and national security will likely amplify following the release of the Committee's report. Geographic data and analysis pertaining to various aspects of climate change and security are needed in order to shape policy directions and support evidence-based policy making. My contention here is that contributions ought to extend not just from those working at the coalface of climate change risk, for example in political geography, but from all quarters of the discipline. 相似文献
9.
Jones H 《Applied geography (Sevenoaks, England)》1995,15(3):233-244
"Although Australia dismantled its ethnically discriminatory, immigrant-selection policy in the early 1970s, ethnicity remains--implicitly and unofficially--a significant consideration in its immigration policies and practices. The paper outlines the traditional ?White Australia' policy before describing the operation and impact of the new selection policies and the associated official commitment to multiculturalism. The causes, regional pattern and acceptability of the modern Asianization of immigration are then assessed. The final section indicates how ethnic-origin preferences continue to operate in an apparently non-discriminatory selection policy, largely through the management of demand by placements of Australian migration officers in particular locations overseas." 相似文献
10.
Antje Missbach 《Singapore journal of tropical geography》2014,35(2):228-244
Although the partial outsourcing of state border control to non‐state actors is not a new phenomenon, Indonesia is an interesting case study. Border control in an archipelago consisting of more than 17 000 islands is particularly challenging for state authorities. In addition to contending with the exceptional geography, Indonesia's state authorities are also challenged by the political constellation with Australia in regard to irregular cross‐border movements of asylum seekers that has become a controversial issue in recent history. As an important transit country for asylum seekers and refugees en route to Australia, Indonesia's porous borders have rendered it possible to enter and exit the country relatively easily. Given Australia's political pressure and the financial incentives offered to Indonesia to act as a ‘final bulwark’ and control irregular migration flows more effectively, border control nowadays has gained more significance in Indonesia than in the past. Yet, financial constraints and, more importantly, a lack of political will to host asylum seekers in its own territories for the long term remain as obstacles. Fieldwork observations show that due to ongoing funding restrictions for state‐led border control, state‐society cooperation for border surveillance has increased. Civilians in many hotspots for irregular border crossings have been encouraged to report on ‘suspicious foreigners’. State‐society cooperation for border control, however, offers new opportunities for people smugglers to pay off civilian spies or corrupt border authorities. 相似文献
11.
12.
Karen Agutter 《The Australian geographer》2016,47(4):455-469
ABSTRACTThroughout Australia’s history, successive governments have lamented the clustering of non-English-speaking migrants in ‘ethnic enclaves’ or ‘ghettos’. From the early Chinatowns of the 1800s till today, urban concentrations of ethnic groups have raised concerns and fears in local populations and authorities alike, despite decades of international research which suggests that ethnic residential clusters actually aid long-term assimilation and adjustment. Many of the ethnic residential clusters in contemporary Australia have been claimed to be a direct consequence of the migrant hostels and reception centres which operated between 1948 and the 1990s. This paper traces migrant settlement patterns in South Australia in rich detail, revealing the complexities of lived experiences that shape migrant settlement decisions. Against the background of public and scholarly debates over ‘ethnic enclaves’, and drawing on quantitative and qualitative historical research on the lived experiences of former hostel migrants, it analyses how migrant hostels and reception centres contributed to the settlement experiences of diverse migrants. We conclude that migrant hostels were just one among various factors that led to the growth and maintenance of ethnic residential clusters. 相似文献
13.
ABSTRACTContestations over immigration, citizenship, and belonging play out every day in urban public space. In this article we study the design processes and use of two Copenhagen parks, Superkilen and Mimersparken, to explore the creation of public space and the “public” in Denmark. Who is part of the Danish “public”? What right do immigrant residents have to shape public space and their neighborhoods? How are the boundaries of Danish national identity policed and contested in public space in Copenhagen? The Danish government has increasingly moved toward far-right anti-immigrant stances, even while Copenhagen promotes a multicultural vision of a diverse and cosmopolitan city. Superkilen and Mimersparken illustrate the shortcomings of Copenhagen’s multiculturalism: though Copenhagen celebrates immigration, it left little space for residents to make meaningful decisions as political actors. In the case of Superkilen and Mimersparken, designers’ stylized idea of immigration is more celebrated than the actual presence of immigrant residents. 相似文献
14.
通过文本分析和档案分析的方法,立足文学地理学分析框架和研究范式,分析了香港70年代、过渡时期、后殖民时期三部文学界热门且公认具代表性的作品——《我城》《烦恼娃娃的旅程》和《后殖民食物与爱情》,解构了作品中“本土”“国家”和“全球”3个空间维度下再现的地理物象、空间想象、人物活动、地方文化,窥探其内部隐含的文化认同与身份意识问题。结果发现,由于香港社会历史和文化背景不断变迁等原因,香港的文化和身份意识处于不断重塑的状态。通过文本分析,发现香港文学作品中最早萌芽的是“本土”意识。西西的《我城》被认为是本土意识的发轫之作,其在港英政府和回不去的家这一夹缝中在“城”这一空间尺度上勾勒出浓浓的地方意识。其次,在中国恢复行使香港主权这一背景下,《烦恼娃娃的旅程》这一极具回归题材代表性的作品深刻地刻画了香港人在身份认同尺度升级过程中的迷惘。最后,也斯的《后殖民食物与爱情》通过“食物”为线索讲述了回归后的香港故事,为读者认识后殖民时期多元文化混杂下的香港社会提供了细致的观察。通过对三部文学作品的分析,发现港人经历了由殖民统治时期本土身份意识的觉醒以及对中国文化的归属,到回归过渡阶段身份意识的尺度升级及其不适,再到回归后多元文化的交织和协商,不仅在尺度上实现了由地方到国家再到全球化的身份意识塑造,而且在结构上存在中华文化、西方文化和香港本土文化不断协商与冲突的三重性。更为重要的是,通过文学地理视角的讨论,发现这样的文化和身份意识不是属于某个群体的特有特征,而是根植于香港社会的每一寸肌肤,不仅反映了小说作者对香港社会的细致观察,在一定程度上也反映了社会本身所面临的文化和身份困扰。 相似文献
15.
Xiaoyang Wang 《The Professional geographer》2019,71(2):331-341
This article first provides a conceptual and theoretical analysis of international financial centers (IFCs) by focusing on IFCs’ main characteristics, categories, and policy regimes. It then reviews the policy initiatives driving Shanghai’s IFC, coming from the central and local governments, and evaluates their strategic effects. Finally, I emphasize the disadvantages of Shanghai’s IFC dynamics by focusing on the level of internationalization, the financial hinterland, the English professionals, and the legal system. The empirical study reveals that the construction of Shanghai’s IFC has achieved great advances, motivated by its policy dynamics since 1990, but its global impact is still limited compared to New York and London. This study sheds light on the dynamics of Shanghai’s IFC as a government-led model. 相似文献
16.
Jennifer Hyndman 《The Professional geographer》1999,51(1):104-114
Drawing on recent research in the Horn of Africa, emerging patterns of managing forced migration in the post-Cold War landscape are identified and analyzed. While camps continue to house refugees, the meaning and value of ‘refugee’ have changed dramatically since the Cold War. Efforts to prevent people from crossing political borders to seek safety are increasing, giving rise to a new set of safe spaces. These new spaces are expressions of a distinct geopolitical discourse and take the names ‘UN protectedarea’, ‘preventive zone’, and ‘safe haven’. Their significance as a challenge to state-centric geopolitics both within conflict zones and as refugee camps is explored in the Kenya-Somalia context. 相似文献
17.
空间认同:城市空间研究转向中的知识前沿、趋势与启发 总被引：3，自引：2，他引：1
中国城市化进程的快速发展,促使人们不断解构、调整和重构对城市空间的认同,这是城市化发展中不容忽视的新问题。以Web of Science（WoS）为数据源,对国外城市空间认同研究进行了分析和知识再现。研究发现：① 城市空间认同是人们对城市发展中社会经济认同、文化认同、集体认同、身份认同与情感认同的集合。作为重要的国民意识,城市空间认同主题是国外学者关注的重要领域,对该领域研究的本质上是对城市空间实践中人文主义空间诉求的知识表征;② 在2008~2017年的国外城市空间认同研究中,美国、英国、澳大利亚等国家具有明显优势,国际合作研究网络主要在美洲-欧洲、欧洲-澳洲,以及澳洲-欧美之间;国外城市空间认同研究高被引文献注重对“空间多中心性”“地方与连续性”“城市社区”“城市公民身份”“空间绅士化”“地方主义”等方面的讨论。③ 未来研究更加倾向在“认同”“空间”“城市”“地理”“政治”“地方”,以及“社区”等新主题方面。相比较而言,国内对城市空间认同的研究较为欠缺,随着中国城市空间实践不断推向纵深阶段,需要强化城市空间认同研究的“理论自觉”。 相似文献
18.
2008年金融危机后东莞出现城市收缩现象,东莞城市政府出台了以户籍改革为核心的外来人口政策吸引人口定居、改善人口流失情况。然而,在政策实践中,不同特征人群对于外来人口政策的满意程度或有差异,但已有研究鲜有探讨这一问题。因此,文章从市民视角评价以户籍改革为核心的外来人口政策,重点对比未入户外来人口与已入户人口的政策满意度。基于2013年东莞外来人口工作生活的问卷调查数据,采用二元逻辑回归分析方法,探讨外来人口对于东莞城市政策的满意度及其影响因素。研究发现：全体外来人口中,高学历、没有因户口遇到教育/住房差别待遇、满意治安环境、参与公共政策制定的群体,对外来人口政策的满意度更高。对比未入户与已入户两类人群发现：已入户人群比未入户人群对于政策满意度更高;未入户人群对于住房、教育以及治安环境的关注更为明显;已入户人群则更为关注情感维度与社会融合。 相似文献
19.
《The Professional geographer》2013,65(1):104-114
Drawing on recent research in the Horn of Africa, emerging patterns of managing forced migration in the post-Cold War landscape are identified and analyzed. While camps continue to house refugees, the meaning and value of ‘refugee’ have changed dramatically since the Cold War. Efforts to prevent people from crossing political borders to seek safety are increasing, giving rise to a new set of safe spaces. These new spaces are expressions of a distinct geopolitical discourse and take the names ‘UN protectedarea’, ‘preventive zone’, and ‘safe haven’. Their significance as a challenge to state-centric geopolitics both within conflict zones and as refugee camps is explored in the Kenya-Somalia context. 相似文献
20.
The region-building process in Western Australia is examined using Paasi's theoretical framework of ‘regional institutionalisation’. The paper examines the formalisation of the regions in Western Australia from the 1940s with the first attempts to regionalise the State, through to the recent political and policy shifts. A particular focus is given to the pivotal legislation passed in 1993 which created nine Regional Development Commissions, and the implications of the post-2008 Royalties for Regions program. The discussion examines the trajectory of the Western Australia regions through the lens of Paasi's model. The paper shows that the Regional Development Commissions have had a critical role in fulfilling the different stages of the model. 相似文献