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1.
《Urban geography》2013,34(3):191-202
This paper outlines a framework for the analysis of the provision of public services in urban areas: the public city. Two interwoven concepts are discussed. The first of these relates to the nature of space. A brief review suggests that philosophical disputes overlook the explicit organization of space within jurisdictional units, a key factor in the provision of consumption goods. These areas, which can be identified as local state units, can be rationalized in various ways: neoclassical, liberal, and materialist interpretations have been identified within the literature. This paper argues that the local state cannot be discussed simply within the context of capitalist social relations, and that more detailed interpretations, incorporating concepts such as civil society, are necessary in order to understand the broad range of political activities associated with public provision. 相似文献
2.
This article examines the political and spatial registers of struggles against exclusionary local immigration policies and for more welcoming policies in the Washington DC metropolitan area, one of the hotspots for both local anti-immigration policies and immigrant advocacy in the United States. We conceptualize immigrant advocacy not simply as an alliance, but instead as an assemblage that brings together a diverse set of differently positioned actors and nonhuman actants. The assemblage enacts a diverse politics that deploys different forms of activism, while engaging different publics (e.g., religious communities, unions, the larger public sphere in public spaces, etc.) and the state in complex ways. From acting outside the state to engaging in claims-making towards the state, immigrant advocates are making claims and actions that challenge and go beyond dominant conceptions of citizenship rights and liberal democratic politics. The spatial register is similarly diverse. The immigrant advocacy assemblage is confronted with and enacts a different politics of place in central cities and inner- and outer-ring suburbs. Contestations of exclusionary local policies, however, are not simply about a local politics of place. To the contrary, some actors and actants in the assemblage are actively involved in extra-local networking, collaborating across jurisdictional boundaries—between central cities and inner-and outer-ring suburbs within the Washington DC metropolitan area and across the United States. The complexities of these contestations call into question post-political narratives of “proper” politics, underscoring the need for an empirically grounded critical theory of democracy. This article contributes to this task by providing a geographically and historically sensitive analysis of the immigrant advocacy assemblage. 相似文献
3.
《Urban geography》2013,34(5):691-709
Municipalities create a local political geography that can institutionalize subordinate positions for minority groups. Most importantly, local governments determine which areas are incorporated into a municipality through annexation and which are excluded. Through these powers, local governments can diminish or deny minority political standing in local affairs, limit access to public services, and reduce the value of minority property. The boundaries are a component of racial residential segregation. Racially disparate application of local governments' power to shape local political geography creates barriers to equality that are difficult to discern on the ground, but which can be made visible by the mapping of spatial data. This study presents four cases where governmental decisions concerning a municipal boundary have institutionalized racial inequality, which is documented with maps created from public GIS data and other public records (e.g., City Council meeting minutes) as well as legal documents. This pattern of systematic exclusion of minority neighborhoods is receiving attention in the legal community, but studies in the social sciences have been limited. 相似文献
4.
Rural governance has drawn considerable attention from both local government officials and scholars in the United States since the early 1990s. It is touted as a way to mitigate the limitations of the traditional government unit‐based approaches to problem solving and decision making and to foster partnerships across both jurisdictional boundaries and sectors (public, private, and nonprofit). Established in 1962, the Resource Conservation and Development (rc&d ) program of the U.S. Department of Agriculture provides a unique model of rural regional governance. Acting as a coalition of governments, private businesses, individuals, and interest groups, the rc&d program provides the flexibility needed to deal with issues at the appropriate spatial scale. It incorporates aspects of both grassroots and governmental organizations and can bring together local interests and expertise with governmental policy and support in service provision, problem solving, and economic development. The approach does not necessarily entail loss of power on the part of the state, but it does provide a mechanism for local people to exercise their agency, to tackle their problems, and to decide which elements of their lives they want to sustain. 相似文献
5.
A Queer Country? A case study of the politics of gay/lesbian belonging in an Australian country town
The present paper examines the complex politics of gay/lesbian belonging through a case study of Daylesford, Victoria, an Australian country town. It contributes to two research bodies: gay/lesbian rural geographies and the politics of belonging. Daylesford hosts ChillOut, Australia's largest rural gay/lesbian festival, which provides a telling context for investigating gay/lesbian belonging in rural Australia. We use qualitative data from the 2006 ChillOut Festival, including interviews with local residents, newspaper commentaries, and visitors’ surveys, to explore how Daylesford has been constructed, imagined, and experienced as a ‘unique’ site of gay/lesbian belonging in rural Australia. We find that ChillOut crucially contributes to its wider reputation as a gay-friendly country town, but also, we argue, to the contested nature of gay/lesbian belonging. This was most powerfully demonstrated by the local council's refusal to fly the gay-identified rainbow flag on the Town Hall during the 2006 Festival and its subsequent banning of the display of all festival flags from that key public building. Because ChillOut was the catalyst for this protocol, the resolution was viewed as homophobic. Indeed, the homophobic and heterosexist rhetoric that ensued in the Letters to the Editor section of the local newspaper revealed some residents’ underlying antagonism towards ChillOut and the local gay/lesbian community. Moreover, appealing to a shared ‘Australian identity’ and associated normative ‘family values’, these letter writers deployed a multi-scalar politics of belonging, where a sense of gay/lesbian belonging to Daylesford at the local scale was contested by the assertion of a ‘more meaningful’ national scale of allegiance fashioned by heteronormativity. 相似文献
6.
《Urban geography》2013,34(5):440-458
Culture has come to perform a pivotal role in the selling of places, as competition among cities resulting from economic restructuring has heightened the significance of a city's image. Using the case of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, this paper explores the relationship between a city's image and a complex reality by examining the manipulation of local cultural resources to promote dominant interests. This city's experience also demonstrates the extent to which a politics of resistance can be espoused on the basis of contested local representations of different class and racial experiences. 相似文献
7.
Emily Rosenman 《Urban geography》2013,34(8):1124-1147
Social impact investing differentiates itself from traditional investing by claiming to create public social benefits alongside private profits. Globally, municipal governments are increasingly looking to this model to fund urban social services and poverty management. Through a case study of social impact investing in affordable housing in the San Francisco Bay Area, I deconstruct the financial and ideological underpinnings of this model to understand how private profits are drawn from local geographies of impoverishment. Analyzing social impact investing as a poverty politics reveals how it places preexisting, state-subsidized systems of poverty management into social impact investing portfolios, dividing impoverished spaces into new hierarchies of deservingness by incorporating private investors’ visions of what will help low-income tenants. But these processes also fail to subsume social life within housing financed in this manner, as tenant practices subverting those idealized by the state and investors persist alongside the generation of private profits. 相似文献
8.
Rivke Jaffe 《Singapore journal of tropical geography》2012,33(2):184-197
In cities across the world, neoliberal retrenchment, shrinking public expenditure and an emphasis on private‐public partnerships have resulted in the privatization of many services formerly provided by the state. The privatization of security has been one of the most significant shifts in this regard, with citizens becoming responsibilized for safeguarding their own physical integrity and material belongings. This transfer of state responsibility has had an important effect on the spatial organization of cities, as formerly public spaces become both privatized and militarized. Drawing on research in Kingston, Jamaica, this paper describes how new actors from criminal organizations to security companies move to fill these physical and social spaces. Arguing for an increased focus on spatial retreat from below, it highlights the extent to which an extralegal transformation of urban security and services takes place in marginalized areas, parallel to the better studied privatization of security services in affluent areas. 相似文献
9.
ABSTRACT. Contrary to much of the hype that posits cyberspace as the uncontested domain of rugged individualists, computer networks and traffic exhibit deeply social and political roots. The Internet is neither inherently oppressive nor automatically emancipatory; it is a terrain of contested philosophies and politics. After a brief review of the politics of electronic knowledge, we discuss the ways in which the Internet can be harnessed for counterhegemonic (antiestablishment) political ends. We focus on progressive uses, including the confrontation of nomadic power and rhizomic power structures, in which the local becomes the global. We also offer an encapsulation of right-wing uses. Throughout, we see cyberactivism as a necessary, but not sufficient, complement to real-world struggles on behalf of the disempowered. 相似文献
10.
Hong Jiang 《Geographical review》2006,96(4):633-656
ABSTRACT. This study explores the local experience of a state‐initiated campaign to improve the grassland in Uxin Ju, a Mongolian community in northern China, from 1958 to 1966. The contrast between the local experience and the official representation reveals great discrepancies and attests to the ability of local people to utilize state policies to meet local needs, transforming socialist ideologies into local rationales. Applying Michel de Certeau's theory of everyday practice that sees book reading as poaching and the use/consumption of political and cultural discourses as a process of creative empowerment, I examine how the Mongols in Uxin Ju “poached” state politics to their own advantages and appropriated the grassland campaign in the making of the local landscape. This poaching further elucidates James Scott's concept of ideological resistance by focusing on the creative use of nonoppositional nature, which is an important way in which local people could express their agency in the oppressive regime of socialist China. This article calls attention to how nonsubversive co‐optation of state policies can function as an expression of agency in the making of local human‐environmental history, even on the part of individuals who are actively accommodating to the ideology of the dominant regime. 相似文献
11.
均衡的公共卫生服务是保障人民有效享受健康公平权的重要途径,医疗机构布局、人口分布以及建设用地与公共卫生服务均等性密切相关。本文运用空间统计分析、可能—满意度模型、“公共卫生服务均等性—建设用地—人口分布”耦合协调度模型等方法,分析1980—2019年湘鄂豫三省的公共卫生服务均等性时空演变规律,以及均等性和建设用地、人口分布耦合协调关系的变迁特征。结果表明：① 公共卫生服务均等性总体在中等水平（0.7~0.8）左右波动,呈现先上升后下降的趋势,湘鄂豫公共卫生服务均等性的平均增速分别为-7.68%、-0.96%、 -2.11%;② 湘鄂豫公共卫生服务空间上存在显著聚集特征,“高—高”集聚和“低—低”集聚的极化效应明显,且8个方位内公共卫生服务均等性差异明显,说明其发展不平衡不充分问题突出;③ 公共卫生服务与建设用地、人口分布的相互作用程度和同步发展程度较弱,三者协调发展程度处于失调向协调的转型期。在中国新发展阶段,为顺应复杂的“人—地”关系变迁规律,公共卫生服务均等性的时空发展格局以及其方位差异特征可为优质公共卫生服务资源的均衡配给和公平性提升提供决策依据。 相似文献
12.
Juanita Sundberg 《Geographical review》1998,88(3):388-412
ABSTRACT. Political dimensions of conservation abound. The biosphere-reserve model, however, depoliticizes the landscape by neglecting politics as a shaper of ecologies. To illustrate this process of depoliticization, I examine discourses about environmental degradation, power structures engaged in implementing conservation measures, and emerging landscapes in the Maya Biosphere Reserve. Conservationist discourses hold migrant farmers responsible for deforestation and land degradation in the Petén, to the neglect of wider socioeconomic conditions that perpetuate poverty in Guatemala. Sociospatial consequences include misdirected projects and landscapes that reflect the goals of nongovernmental organizations, not local people's needs and aspirations. 相似文献
13.
Christopher J. Smith 《The Professional geographer》1981,33(4):457-465
This paper suggests that the delivery of services to dependent populations can be facilitated by the existing urban structure, particularly the prevailing patterns of homogeneity and heterogeneity. As a complement to formal attempts to improve the delivery of services and alter what often appears to be a spatially and socially unjust urban structure, the paper provides examples of simple interventions that can expand and enhance informal service delivery at the local level. 相似文献
14.
BRIAN H. KING 《Geographical review》2006,96(1):79-96
ABSTRACT. The South African homelands were central to the apartheid ideology of racial segregation and separate development and as a result became the location for large segments of the African population. Apartheid‐era theorizations of the homelands tended to emphasize their importance to the state, with less attention directed to the divergent and unique social formations that often existed within them. Recent geographical research has been intent on evaluating the spatial imprint of these geographies for resident populations, as well as the varied class, gendered, and institutional formations that accompanied the democratic transition. Using a case study from the former KaNgwane homeland, this article examines the diverse ways in which rural households access environmental and economic resources to produce livelihoods. It is argued that a focus on community variation is needed to interrogate the differential encounters of these places with the local politics and development processes that are emerging in the new South Africa. 相似文献
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16.
DIANA K DAVIS 《The Geographical journal》2006,172(2):88-105
Neoliberal restructuring in Morocco has been taking place for over twenty years. Beginning with a decade of structural adjustment, from the early 1980s to the early 1990s, parts of the public sector have been privatized, state services such as health care and education reduced, tariffs lowered and exports heavily promoted. In the dryland agricultural areas, a declensionist colonial environmental narrative has been appropriated to help justify and implement the neoliberal goals of land privatization and the intensification of agricultural production in the name of environmental protection. This paper contributes to areas of growing interest for geographers through an analysis of the underexplored relationship between neoliberalism and environmentalism, in the form of questionable environmental narratives, in Morocco. Land degradation in the dryland agricultural areas of Morocco is commonly blamed on overgrazing by local pastoralists despite existing documentation that suggests instead that ploughing of marginal lands and over-irrigation are the primary drivers of land degradation in the region. The deployment of this colonial environmental narrative of 'native improvidence' has facilitated an expansion of state power over collective rangelands under neoliberalism at the same time that government involvement has decreased in other sectors. The effects of neoliberalism in Morocco have been complex and thus the paper argues that current neoliberal reforms such as the Morocco–US free trade agreement need to be scrutinized carefully to prevent a further exacerbation of poverty as well as to prevent further land degradation in these areas. 相似文献
17.
《Urban geography》2013,34(8):667-683
This paper examines the provision of services to farm labor as an extension of the “new urban politics.” The new urban politics have focused on the position of cities in the emerging global economy and the efforts of elite agents in cities to manipulate that position. The issues involved in service provision, however, blend the scale and economic development questions currently at the center of debate in urban political analyses with questions of identity and of the changing meaning of “urban.” Concern for farm workers on the urban-rural fringe enhances understandings of local politics in three ways. First, it draws attention to the wide array of political agents operating at the local level. Second, the role of scale in creating uneven development within metropolitan areas is highlighted. Third, attention to the politics of service provision for farm labor makes clear the need to re-evaluate urban-rural dichotomies and their role in shaping local politics. Incorporating these issues into theories of local politics makes it possible to examine the ambiguity, political contentiousness, and new spaces for identity formation posed by the changing morphology and meaning of metropolitan areas. 相似文献
18.
Geographic variations in spatial accessibility to public resources, such as health care services, raise important questions about the efficiencies and inequities of the processes that determine where these services are located. Spatial accessibility can be measured many different ways, but many of methods in use today involve some measure of travel cost (in time or distance). In this study we explore a simple methodological question: how much are models of spatial accessibility influenced by the precise metric of travel cost? We address this question by comparing spatial accessibility to primary care physicians for two different methods of calculating travel cost (in time) on a street network: free-flow travel time and congested with turn penalties travel time—which augments free-flow travel times with the burden of traffic congestion and traffic intersection controls. We consider the effect of these two metrics of travel cost on a gravity-based measure of spatial accessibility to primary health care services in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. Our results suggest that while travel times between locations of demand and locations of primary care providers greatly differ based on how travel cost is calculated, the gravity-based measure of spatial accessibility provides similar information for both travel cost metrics. Using congested with turn penalties travel time can be an onerous addition to the analysis of spatial accessibility, and is more useful for measuring absolute travel time rather than modeling relative spatial accessibility. 相似文献
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旅游客源市场SWOT分析及对策--2004年"五一"黄金周昆明假日旅游为例 总被引：2，自引：2，他引：2
旅游是旅游者在旅游目的地的一系列行为过程，通过来访游客在旅游目的地的观光旅游，可以对旅游目的地的经济发展起到推动作用。对旅游业来说，客源市场的重要性是不言而喻的。旅游发展必须具有客源市场导向性原则。同时，在旅游客源市场开发中也存在一定的优势（Strengths）、劣势（Weaknesses）、机遇（Opportunities）和威胁因素（Threats），优势和劣势、机遇和威胁之间存在相互转化的互动关系。在旅游客源市场调查的基础上，科学分析区域旅游客源市场开发中的SWOT因素，制定适宜的开发战略，可以变劣势为优势，化威胁为机遇，实现客源市场持续开发。通过用SWOT分析方法对昆明黄金周假日旅游客源市场进行分析，提出了昆明假日旅游客源市场开发的原则和具体开发措施。 相似文献