共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Yosseph Shilhav 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):247-259
This paper concerns the internal political controversy that polarises the concepts of sanctity and sovereignty over Eretz Yisrael (The Land of Israel; Palestine). The controversy has deep religious roots in the history of the Jewish people's bonds with their country. The historical elements of which derive from a longing for religious perfection, which included observing Commandments associated with the Land. The destruction of the Temple, the Exile and the devastation of Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel broke the chain of such continued observance. Polarisation of the concepts of Sanctity and Sovereignty accentuates the problem of the relation between political sovereignty and national bonds with it. The association of religious affinity with the relatively recent phenomenon of Nation-State sovereignty led many to see religious connotations in political sovereignty. The traditional, religious bond with Eretz-Yisrael, which many of the more secular Israeli public also feel, has existed for generations; conversely, national sovereignty continually changes form, not always conforming to traditional, religious perceptions of dominion over the Land. This raises problems about the link between Jewish religious laws and the political world. Abandoning the knit between national sovereignty and religious bonds may lead to the loss of religious and cultural bonds. The conflict between beliefs and opinions on the one hand and new objective circumstances on the other leads to confrontations that may cause serious harm. Time becomes critical and expediting the processes of appeasement and adaptation is a matter of redoubled importance. 相似文献
2.
Heritage is the contemporary usage of a past and is consciously shaped from history, its survivals and memories, in response to current needs for it. If these needs and consequent roles of heritage, whether for the political legitimacy of governments, for social and ethnic cohesion, for individual identification with places and groups, or for the provision of economic resources in heritage industries change rapidly, then clearly we expect the content and management of that heritage to do likewise. The cities of Central Europe have long been the heritage showcases that reflected the complex historical and geographical patterns of the region's changing governments and ideologies. The abrupt economic and political transition and reorientation of the countries of Central Europe has thus, unsurprisingly, led to many equally abrupt changes in the content and management of urban heritage throughout the region. The uses made of heritage are clearly drastically changing but so also is the way that heritage is currently managed. What is happening, as well as how, is however uncertain and investigated here. The revolutionary eradication of a rejected past, a return to some previous pasts or the beginnings of a new past in the service of a new present are all possibilities. Answers are sought to these questions through the examination of a selection of cases of types of heritage city and their management in the region. These include an archetypical European gem city (Eger, Hungary), a tourist-historic honey-pot (?esky Krumlov, Czechia), a medium-sized multifunctional city (Gdansk, Poland), a major metropolis (Budapest, Hungary), the relict anomaly (Kaliningrad/ Königsberg, Russia) and the national cultural centre of Weimar. 相似文献
3.
Past studies of the Socialist/Communist city have paid only limited attention to the ways in which Communist regimes mobilised a wide variety of symbols in the urban landscape in order to legitimate and institutionalise the ideology of revolutionary socialism. This paper considers the role of street names in this process with particular reference to Bucharest, Romania during the 1948–1965 period. When the Communist regime came to power it embarked on widespread renaming of streets as one means of both `decommemorating' the pre-socialist regime and proclaiming the agenda and ideology of the Communist state. The new street names commemorated a variety of events and personalities from the history of Romanian and Soviet Communism. The impact of street names was amplified further through practices such as multiple namings and the spatial clustering of street names of high ideological resonances. The paper argues that Bucharest's street names can be `read' as a mirror of ideological change, changing constructions of national identity, and Romania's macro-political orientation (especially its changing relations with the Soviet Union). 相似文献
4.
Vic Duke 《GeoJournal》1999,49(1):17-24
The paper is concerned with decreasing state ownership in post-communist Eastern Europe and a concomitant decline in the proportion
employed in the state sector. Many individuals have shifted into private sector employment, self-employment or unemployment.
The literature on sectoral shifts in employment in Eastern Europe is summarised, and from this it is argued that there will
be a growing differentiation between private sector employees and state sector employees in economic, social and political
terms. Data is then analysed based on a survey in 1995 of around 1000 households in each of four cities – Budapest, Prague,
Warsaw and Krakow. Similar patterns emerged in the four cities. Consistent differences in working conditions and rewards are
already evident between the self-employed, private sector and state sector. These conflicting economic interests are reflected
in contrasting attitudes to the economy and polity amongst those employed in different sectors.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
5.
From early modern times until the present, Russia (temporarily extended to the USSR) had two capital cities: Moscow and Petersburg. Moscow was the original capital, it was succeeded by Petersburg from the beginning of the 18th century. From the early 20th century onward Moscow again became the capital, but it became a different kind of capital at the end of the 20th century. The paper describes the evolution of the representation of the state function in the appearance of the capital cities by way of the state buildings, the monuments, the street names. In addition it analyses the fate of the former capitals (first Moscow, then Petersburg) in terms of their symbolic functions. Petersburg originated as a capital turned to the outside emphasizing Russia's European vocation, while Moscow was at first the inward looking capital city representing the distinctive spiritual values of Russia. Changes had to do with the changes in the nature of the successive political regimes and with the changing roles of the two cities within those regimes. 相似文献
6.
György Enyedi 《GeoJournal》1994,32(4):399-402
Budapest is going to take over Vienna's gateway functions esp. in case Berlin succeeds to be a global city of Central Europe and will develop a parallel urban system like the present one of London and Paris for Western Europe. Budapest will be able to fulfill the role of a subregional continental centre. To prove these expectations, the paper discusses the competitiveness of the Hungarian capital, compared to Prague and Warsaw. The advantageous position of Budapest lies partly in its geographic situation, partly in the reforms giving way to private enterprise in the last decades of socialism. Most of the Central European post-communist capital cities, with the exception of Ljubljana and Bratislava, are large and developed enough to enter a European urban competition. Belgrade and Zagreb will be delayed due to the civil war in their region; Bucharest and Sofia have infrastructural, economic and social problems, while Budapest, Prague and Warsaw may have an opportunity to join the developed European urban network. Their chances are examined in this study, with special regard to the Hungarian capital. 相似文献
7.
《Geoforum》2017
The food sovereignty movement proposes a localist approach to meeting food security while delivering broader social, economic and environmental benefits. The movement is spawning multiple local projects of food sovereignty, whereby people are empowered to define their own culturally and environmentally appropriate food systems. As the number of enacted examples increases, the movement is also affecting change at national (and international) levels, with a number of countries creating national strategies or legislation for food sovereignty. We reflect on the challenges created by such scaling up within the existing food system. We propose a focus on issues of institutional interplay in order to identify and critique challenges. We highlight three interplay situations between multiple, diverse enactments of food sovereignty at multiple levels, and between food sovereignty and the broader institutional contexts within which they are embedded. 相似文献
8.
Marloes van Amerom 《GeoJournal》2002,58(4):265-273
The notion that Transboundary Protected Areas (TBPAs) will act as `Peace Parks' has become an important argument in their promotion in post-Apartheid Southern Africa. This `Peace Parks Concept' is implicitly based upon the assumption that national sovereignty will not become a constraining factor in the creation and management of TBPAs. However, this assumption is problematic. TBPAs introduce various changes in the landscape with consequences for the ways in which a state can exercise its sovereignty over its borderland and citizens. This situation might evoke state action that could endanger the various environmental, socio-economic and political objectives of TBPAs. A state's behaviour with regard to TBPAs is not just informed by its interests in TBPAs, but also by its strategic and other interests in the wider borderland area. These are not necessarily compatible with the environmental and economic objectives of TBPAs. The ways in which these interests are mediated are highly complex and non-linear. Because of the inter-dependency that TBPAs create, the extent to which a state can pursue certain interests by means of TBPAs will be (partially) constrained by the wishes of the other states involved. In addition, power has to be shared with a wide range of non-state actors. The operation of sovereignty in TBPAs is therefore highly unpredictable and cannot be captured in static zero-sum terms. Actor Network Theory is identified as a possible starting-point to unravel and evaluate these complex political processes in TBPAs and their subsequent outcomes for state sovereignty. 相似文献
9.
This paper examines the spatial distribution of the functional systems in the different belts of settlements around Budapest. The surburban belts have an important role in the capital's labour market, places of employment and recreation with 45 settlements. The paper reviews the structure of the Budapest agglomeration from the core to the three inner, middle and outer belts comprising the suburbs, the semi-urban settlements, the suburban villages, the satellite towns, and the satellite villages. Then the system of the functional urban centres are reviewed, The author establishes the concept of the main, the division, the district and the settlement group centres in the Budapest agglomeration. The different levels of attached functions, such as international, national, regional and local are also described with each centre type. The areal distribution of the centre system of Budapest is shown in maps too. 相似文献
10.
József Nemes Nagy 《GeoJournal》1994,32(4):363-368
Disparities in Hungary can be characterized regionally with the dualism of Budapest and the countryside, with the western and eastern division of the country itself, with local crises of the broken down industrial axis and marginal geographic settings, with the differentation according to the hierarchy and size of settlements. Two thirds of the total foreign capital invested in Hungary and half of the joint ventures are concentrated in the capital. Apart from Budapest, it causes a higher unemployment rate and lower taxable incomes. 相似文献
11.
A.J. Christopher 《Geoforum》2004,35(2):145-156
South Africa is a multi-lingual country with 11 official languages and a recent history where language was frequently used as a political instrument, notably in the urban areas. Although the cities were initially colonial foundations, as a consequence of rural-urban migration, the speakers of the various national languages have come into close contact with one another. However, as a result of the inheritance of apartheid town planning and its emphasis on racial zoning, residential segregation levels between some linguistic groups have been extremely high. An analysis of the 1996 census results reveals that the uniformly high segregation levels between the speakers of indigenous African languages and the speakers of Afrikaans and English are the direct outcome of apartheid era town planning. Nevertheless, segregation between the speakers of different African languages may also on occasion be relatively high where homeland political policies were pursued, although this was the exception rather than the rule. Similarly segregation between English and Afrikaans speakers was locally high where home language coincided with former racial classification. Few immediate significant changes are anticipated in the present patterns of linguistic segregation, as the inherited apartheid city structure is proving to be remarkably resistant to transformation. 相似文献
12.
Julian V. Minghi 《GeoJournal》1997,43(3):263-271
This article seeks to link electoral behavior and borderland ethnic minority patterns. Results of the November 1993 mayoral election in Trieste, and the March 1994 and April 1996 national elections in Italy are studied in reference to the distribution of the Slovene minority in Northeastern Italy, specifically in the eastern part of the Region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia adjoining the boundary with Slovenia. The history of this borderland is rampant with conflict and territorial sovereignty changes. Recent events – the end of the Cold War, the breakup of Yugoslavia and independence of Slovenia, and the collapse of the Italian political party system – have served both to ease traditional tensions but also to exacerbate ethnic relations between Italians and the Slovene minority. The impact of Italian electoral reform and political party reformulation on the region is examined. Specifically, Mayor Illy's election in the city of Trieste in 1993 and voting patterns in the borderland Goriziano district of the Italian Senate for both the 1994 and 1996 elections are studied in some detail. The article concludes that while electoral campaigns and election results are marked with ethnic confrontation and contrasts, evidence suggests that, despite continuing nationalist tendencies, greater understanding and cooperation between Italians and Slovenes are emerging. 相似文献
13.
《Geoforum》2015
Street vending faces uncertain state responses in contemporary Chinese cities, though it plays an important role in sustaining the livelihood of urban migrants. Building on the critical perspective that understands informality as a production of the state, this paper explores the nature of the regulation of street vending in Guangzhou since 1949. The state’s regulatory practices are characterized by what we call historical ambivalence and geographical ambivalence, which refer to the inconsistency in policies, which fluctuate between soft and hard approaches over time, and the mix of contradictory regulatory measures applied in different urban spaces, respectively. Ambivalence is generated because the state addresses street vending in ways that attain the overarching objective of urban policies. In particular, the exclusion of street vendors in present-day China is not historically natural but driven and sustained by the government’s pursuit of a good city image favorable for attracting capital in the context of intensifying inter-urban competition. The definition of informality is not a neutral classification. Rather, declaring when and to what extent an informal practice is tolerable depends on what the state desires in a specific historical circumstance. 相似文献
14.
Pragmatic localism uncovered: The search for locally contingent solutions to national reform agendas
This paper analyses the complexity and attempted pragmatism of current practices surrounding the management of current local government policy reform in England. In particular, it focuses on the tensions and contradictions between a national policy dynamic which seeks to encourage locally contingent solutions to be developed for localised problems, and the centralising tendencies of the national state which result in ‘blueprints’ and ‘models’ being developed for local policy delivery and a requirement to meet centrally derived targets. These assumptions are explored through the experiences of local government attempts to introduce innovative and experimental praxis in line with the complex cultural and political changes of ‘modernisation’ agendas advanced by the UK government. This is being rolled out by an overarching project of ‘new localism’ - an attempt to devolve power and resources from the central state to front line local managers, sub-local structures and partnerships and to deliver ‘what works’. It is argued that new attempts at subsidiarity should be more flexible to local conditions rather than directed by national policy and that greater discretion and freedom should be given to local managers to achieve this task. Using the concept of ‘pragmatic localism’ and grounded examples from a recent initiative - Local Area Agreements - it is highlighted that there are signs that local state management of national policy could be becoming increasingly adaptable, enabling managers to deal with the fluid nature of ongoing public policy reform, although this is far from a completed project with many factors still constraining this change process. 相似文献
15.
《Geoforum》2018
The performance of post-communist countries in building institutions for self-governance by users of common-pool resources has been meagre. While previous studies have emphasised weak social capital and bad policies, we focus on the dynamic effect of market institutions on self-organisation. We argue that common-pool resource users who trade their products are more likely to self-organise after private enterprises and their markets are in place. Therefore, the absence of market-supporting institutions was one of the factors that hindered the self-organisation of producers after the collapse of communism. While markets often destroy communities, we detect a positive effect in this geo-historical context. Two case studies about the development of local communities of winemakers in Hungary between 1990 and 2014 illustrate the logic of institutional dynamics. 相似文献
16.
Bedford RD 《GeoJournal》1988,16(2):179-192
May 1987 is a month that will not be forgotten in the South Pacific. The first of two military coups d'etat led by Colonel
Sitiveni Rabuka not only transformed the course of post-colonial political development in Fiji, but this event also had profound
implications for international relations in the region. Co-incidentally, May 1987 was also the month when detailed results
of Fiji's second national population census since Independence in 1970 became available. The 1986 census documents Fiji's
population on the eve of a political revolution which has the potential to cause significant economic and social change. The
demographic process most likely to be affected in the short-term by the coups is population movement, both within Fiji and
to overseas destinations. This: paper examines developments in population movement between 1970 and 1986 with particular reference
to an acceleration in levels of migration overseas by Indians and an exodus of Fijians from rural village communities for
towns on Viti Levu and Vanua Levu. Trends in internal and international migration are evaluated at a range of spatial scales
— national, regional and local. Some speculation on the effect of political and economic changes since May 1987 on these population
movements attempts to provide a contemporary perspective on demographic developments over the last 15 years. 相似文献
17.
Margo Kleinfeld 《GeoJournal》2005,64(4):287-295
This paper describes the changing discourses of territory in Sri Lanka and their utility in conflict relations. The primordial
homeland has been at the center of Sri Lanka’s armed struggle, in which both Sinhalese and Tamil nationalisms have used claims
of ancient and ethnically determined territories to justify their right to self-determination, territorial sovereignty, and
armed struggle. This identity–territory nexus based on historical argument has been destabilized in Sri Lanka, however. Scholarly
findings suggest that historical linkages between ethnicity and territory in Sri Lanka are highly problematic and are no longer
effectual means for adjudicating territorial desires in Sri Lanka and producing stable homelands. I argue that rights-based
territorial discourses have emerged to enhance the old historical justifications for territorial authority. New narratives
based upon fulfilling or denying human rights have been put to work linking authority to territory based upon moral fitness
and unfitness, political legitimacy and illegitimacy, and ultimately, upon which political actor deserves to rule the territorially
bound population under its control. The first part of the paper examines historical narratives linking national homelands
to identity as well as scholarly work that deconstructs this linkage. In part two, external sovereignty and political legitimacy
are discussed as the starting point for understanding how rights-based discourses justify territorial claims. In part three,
accusations related to human rights violations are described as an important vehicle for shaming political adversaries, undermining
their legitimacy, and making and unmaking territorial claims in Sri Lanka. 相似文献
18.
Tomasz Zarycki 《Geoforum》2007,38(3):485-493
There is currently a lively discussion on the role of historic memories and the re-visiting of historic legacies in post-communist countries. Using the example of Poland and its legacy of the tripartite division of the 19th century, this paper aims to illustrate how symbolic conflicts over identity politics and the interpretation of history may critically influence discourses on the debates on, and portrayals of, variations in regional development. The paper thus discusses the post-war history of Poland in the context of the so-called left-right political cleavage, and the varying related debates on the ‘quality’ of regional development as part of Poland’s post-communist restructuring. These discussions include varying projections of the nature and role of social capital and its relative ‘usefulness’ for a successful development Poland’s after communism. And there are clear political overtones to these contrasting portrayals of Poland’s history and its regionally varying legacy. Drawing on different definitions of the notion of social capital, the paper then discusses how different legacies, such as an introspective and extrovert outlook of population and institutions, and the degree of cohesion among them, circumscribes a region’s economic development prospects. 相似文献
19.
Over the past few years, political systems have changed in several countries of the Middle East as a result of citizen revolutions on the ruling regimes. These geopolitical changes have had effects on the names of artificial geographical features, such as roads and schools. Many of the names, especially those that were associated with previous regimes, were changed to become associated with the revolutions, their dates, their leaders, or their martyrs. The recent change in the paradigm of Web use towards data sharing and crowd-sourcing in the Web 2.0 provides new opportunities to get insight into a local community’s perception of political events. Crowd-sourced spatial data, often referred to as Volunteered Geographic Information (VGI), can be contributed and accessed through various websites and data repositories. These data can supplement traditional data sources, such as road maps hosted by governmental offices. Libya’s governmental maps of urban infrastructure are scarce and incomplete. This provides an incentive for citizens and grassroots groups to collect and generate spatial data on their own and to express changed realities of feature names by the means of crowd-sourced mapping. Using two districts in Libya this study evaluates for five Web 2.0 platforms (OpenStreetMap, Wikimapia, Google Map Maker, Panoramio, and Flickr) to which extent VGI reflects name changes of geographical features as a result of the revolution in 2011. Other data sources, such as school directories posted by teachers on Facebook, serve as additional information for feature name change detection. Results show that the extent to which VGI reflects name changes based on the 2011 revolution in Libya varies strongly between VGI data sources. VGI provides a useful supplement to limited governmental resources to better understand how names of artificial geographical features are affected by changes in political systems. 相似文献
20.
《Geoforum》2014
Political ecologists have considered the social and economic impacts that nature reserves, national parks and other forms of protected area can have on neighbouring communities, and how this can generate conflicts between them. This paper analyses such conflicts through the lens of territoriality, considering how the way protected area territories are created, delineated, and defined is linked to the social impacts experienced by local people. Conflicts between locals and conservation authorities over protected areas are about rival attempts to define the boundaries of protected areas, who the land should belong to, what it should be used for, and what its purpose is. Yet the ability of local people or conservation authorities to impose their meaning is unequal. It illustrates these processes with the example of a scientific reserve in the Dominican Republic, and a decades-long conflict to define what the reserve should mean, what it should look like, and who it should belong to. 相似文献