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1.
Thea Dukes 《GeoJournal》2008,72(1-2):105-119
The European Community Initiative URBAN, explored in this article for seven countries in general and for two individual cities in the Netherlands in more detail, is a micro example of the ongoing struggle between European and national policy actors who contest each others’ authority. The programme, aimed at solving social-economic problems in deprived neighbourhoods in European cities, has acted as a catalyst for new forms of cooperation.Whether it has directly contributed to Europeanization at the local level seems questionable, but it has certainly helped some city administrations to enter the European stage. Whereas European urban policy discourse could not be found at the Dutch urban level in the mid 1990s, the discourse has become dispersed and is now increasingly used.  相似文献   

2.
Recent political and military events in Ukraine have brought into sharp focus concerns over the security of European gas supplies from Russia. At the same time, the creation of an infrastructural and political ‘energy union’ has become a key stated priority for the governing bodies of the European Union. Both contingencies have highlighted the 28-nation bloc’s dependence on energy sources well beyond its state boundaries, underpinned by the existence of a transnational network for the transport and distribution of natural gas. We develop a theoretical framework predicated upon assemblage and governance approaches to explore the regulatory practices and spatial features associated with this hitherto largely unexplored infrastructural realm. Qualitative evidence from interviews, policy documents and media reports is interrogated interpretively and with the aid of social network analysis techniques. The paper reveals the existence of a socio-technical assemblage for the transmission of natural gas across national boundaries emerging as a result of the erosion of decision-making power away from established state actors, and the rise of new institutional orders. While undermining the organizational arrangements that have traditionally dominated the European gas sector, these contingencies also challenge existing understandings of transnational energy governance as they apply to overland gas transit.  相似文献   

3.
贵州“三稀”元素矿床特征及找矿前景分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"三稀"元素是现代高精尖科学技术重要的战略资源。本文总结和分析了贵州典型"三稀"元素矿床的基本特征,将"三稀"元素矿床划分为沉积、热液和岩浆作用3种成因和9个类型,并对不同类型矿床的资源潜力进行了探讨。分析认为,沉积、热液成因"三稀"元素矿床是地质找矿重点,黑色岩系型、含煤岩系型、铝铁岩系型、磷块岩系型"三稀"元素矿床具有重大资源潜力,铅锌矿型、汞锑金矿型"三稀"元素矿床具有富集度高和独立成矿优势。对现有优势矿床及其含矿岩系开展"三稀"元素资源潜力的再评价是发现共(伴)生"三稀"矿产的有效途径,也是构建资源节约型、环境保护型社会的时代要求。  相似文献   

4.
European regions increasingly develop inter-regional and transnational visions. They not only compete with each other on the basis of traditional location factors (transport, taxes, and labour market) but also by calling up the image of an entirely alternative society which is portrayed as both flexible and capable of self-reproduction. In this article the presence of this (postfordist) discourse is investigated in Web sites of four European regions: Baden-Württemberg, Cataluña, Leningrad and Friesland. Baden-Württemberg confirms its reputation as one of the most outspoken representatives of the new regional assertiveness. Its rhetoric relies on a mixture of cultural, individual and technological arguments largely neglecting internal geographical variation. Although this type discourse can be easily emulated – irrespective of real world differences in the regimes of accumulation – not all regions seem to have (yet) succumbed to its formula.  相似文献   

5.
In most Latin American countries, issues concerning water governance and control also reflect broader conflicts over authority and legitimacy between the state and civil society. What lies behind the diverse water policy reforms is not simply a question of governing water affairs but also a drive to control or co-opt water user groups. This paper examines the efforts by the present Ecuadorian government to ‘control water users’ through new forms of ‘governmentality’ (Foucault, 1991). We use the ‘cathedral and bazaar’ metaphor (Lankford and Hepworth, 2010) to illustrate government rationale and practices in water governance shifts in the last decades. We analyze how Rafael Correa’s government sets out to reshape the relations between state, market and society. In its ‘Twenty-first Century Socialism’ project, based on a proclaimed ‘Citizen Revolution’, actual policy reform does not reverse but rather transforms the process of neoliberalizing water governance – creating a hybrid bazaar-cathedral model. We argue that the current water govermentality project implements reforms that do not challenge established market-based water governance foundations. Rather it aims to contain and undermine communities’ autonomy and ‘unruly’ polycentric rule-making, which are the result of both historical and present-day processes of change. Interestingly, water user federations that emerged during the neoliberal wave of the last two decades now claim water control space and search for new forms of democratizing water governance. They act as agents who fiercely – yet selectively and strategically – oppose both elements of the State-centered (cathedral) and market-based (bazaar) water governance models.  相似文献   

6.
The EU biofuels market is stimulating expansion of oil palm plantations in Indonesia. Little research has yet examined the impacts on water resources arising from this large-scale land use conversion to cultivation of biofuel feedstock or positioned contextual water resource governance in Indonesian locales in a wider political ecology of European climate politics. Through the concept of ‘hybrid accountability’, we examine primary evidence from an extensive action research process in Central Kalimantan Province, Indonesian Borneo, to assess whether the EU’s Renewable Energy Directive and existing certification schemes offer a way to improve the accountability of market actors and promote sustainable water resource management. We conclude that these initiatives have had no bearing on safeguarding local livelihoods and the water resources they depend on, with governance mechanisms largely failing to address people’s grievances. Rather, the EU’s policies on biofuels have supported a de-politicisation of what needs to be seen as ‘distributional water politics’. Furthermore, certification schemes such as the Roundtable for Sustainable Palm Oil offer, at present, only cosmetic tools and are insufficient to address deep structural governance issues. We argue that further hybridisation of market-based certification and governmental regulation should be designed with the purpose of providing new transnational recourse mechanisms and remedies for affected communities.  相似文献   

7.
This article contributes to the study of changing climate discourse and policy in emerging powers through a case study of climate discourse in India since 2007. Based on interviews with key actors in Indian climate politics and textual analysis, three general climate discourses – the Third World, Win–Win and Radical Green discourses – are identified. The discourses are characterised by different constructions of India’s identity, interests, climate change exposure and climate policy orientation. At the most general level, the article finds that there has been a general discursive shift from the Third World discourse to the Win–Win discourse, and that the latter discourse is in broad agreement with the dominant international climate change discourse of ecological modernisation and thus supports an alignment between Indian and international climate politics. We also find, however, that India’s domestic climate politics is marked by co-existence and tensions between the three climate discourses, producing a complex and at times contentious discursive politics over climate change, identity and development. The case study presented in this article moreover demonstrates how national interests are socially constructed and how changes in policy reflect changes in the dominant discourse.  相似文献   

8.
Geoff Bertram 《GeoJournal》2004,59(2):93-106
Four interrelated patterns of structural change in the New Zealand economy since 1980 are identified and analysed, against the backdrop of a growth rate which fell substantially behind the rest of the OECD in the late 1980s and early 1990s before recovering, but without catchup, from 1993. The changes discussed are: a shift in sharemarket capitalization from formerly-dominant productive activities in agriculture, manufacturing and construction to the current predominance of utilities, transport and finance; a sharp increase in overseas investors' share of the economic surplus, from around 20% to over half of post-tax corporate profits; a steady rise in international indebtedness at the same time as sovereign foreign-currency debt was eliminated; hence overseas debt was successfully privatized; a weakening of regulatory control over monopoly profits, opening the way for a surge of rent-seeking activity during the 1990s. The neoliberal reform programme has achieved fiscal and monetary sustainability, increased market flexibility, and insulated the economy against external shocks. At the same time it has led to denationalisation of economic surplus, ongoing current account deficits, and a significant diversion of resources from productive use into rent-seeking. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

9.
额尔齐斯河流域中游地区是哈萨克斯坦共和国重要的水资源富矿与战略经济区, 资料表明这一地区过去几十年来气候与水资源均发生了显著变化, 分析研究其气候变化及其对水资源的影响, 对水资源合理利用具有重要的指导意义.利用研究区7个气象站1926-2009年84 a逐月降水和气温资料, 应用高桥浩一郎公式计算研究区月平均蒸发量及可利用降水量, 分析了1926-2009年研究区气候变化及其对水资源的影响.结果表明: 1)与全球气候变暖一致, 过去84 a来研究区平均气温呈较快的升高趋势, 且自20世纪80年代末以来进入快速升温变暖期; 2)84 a来, 研究区降水总体呈增加趋势, 随着温度的升高, 蒸发量同步增加. 因此, 研究区可利用降水量尽管有波动但总体变化不大; 3)降水是影响研究区可利用降水量的最重要的影响因素, 二者呈现显著的正相关关系, 1%的降水变化可导致1.68%的可利用降水量变化.研究区是全球气候变化的敏感区域, 水资源开发利用需切实做好应对气候变化的适应性对策.  相似文献   

10.
This paper suggests that a constant exposure to and experience of socio-historical and economic changes throughout young people’s formative years assist in development of individualisation and human agency capabilities, which impact on motivations for migration.Focusing on the cohort of Polish graduates, born in the late 1970s and early 1980s, who migrated to England post-2004, the paper highlights a relationship of individuals with change. It argues that frequent and major changes shaped such generational units into highly responsive, easily adjustable and focused on capitalising upon further relationship with change, e.g. through migration.The paper distinguishes two generational units within the researched cohort: ‘Generation of Change’ and ‘European Generation of Opportunities and Migration’. It also highlights that one of the motivations for migration of both groups is practical consciousness (Giddens, 1984) inaccessible to mindful reflection in migration motivations to England.Correspondingly, the paper contends that a generational belonging encompasses both the intentional and non-discursive agency in migratory contexts. Therefore, it is significant to explore and understand individuals’ generational vantage view of the world.  相似文献   

11.
Louise Waite 《Geoforum》2012,43(2):353-361
The overall aim of this paper is to contribute to debates on the relationships between citizenship and migration in the UK context in the light of recent changes in UK immigration policy. In particular, it focuses on the question of what an increasingly neo-assimilationist state articulation of national belonging means for transnational migrants living in Britain. The paper begins by charting the evolving nature of citizenship conceptualisations in Western neoliberal contexts and illustrates how Britain has responded to this shifting landscape. The context is one of enhanced ‘migration securitization’ wherein the state implies that the integrity of the nation state and its security can only be assured if migration flows and migrants themselves are closely controlled and monitored. This has led to Britain attempting to bolster the formal institution of citizenship (with its attendant rights and responsibilities) and tie it more explicitly to notions of belonging to the nation. Through research with national/regional policy officials and migrant organisations this paper firstly examines the political landscape of citizenship and belonging in Britain as it relates to migrants. Secondly, it draws on research with African transnational migrants in northern England to explore their senses of belonging and ask whether these cohere with the described state discourse or whether their feelings of belonging exist in tension with neo-assimilationist policies designed to promote a core national identity.  相似文献   

12.
In this paper we present the findings of a qualitative investigation of change trends in urban freight deliveries. The empirical material was gathered with urban freight (courier) company managers and drivers in Aotearoa New Zealand. It presents personal accounts of the everyday lived experiences of those intimately involved in the delivery of goods within the urban environment. Twenty-five interviews were conducted across four urban centres between June and September 2015. We use the four elements of the Energy Cultures Framework to explore what urban freight managers and drivers ‘have’, ‘do’ and ‘think’, and the pressures of an external context. Four interrelated themes are presented. 1. Online shopping and home deliveries, 2. Tracking and transparency, 3. New technologies, and 4. Meeting (changing) expectations, with evidence provided by way of verbatim quotations. The ‘mobility cultures’ concept is used to explore the relationships between the four themes, and to identify the key change trends that may affect the ability of the freight industry to contribute to a low-carbon transport transition. We conclude by signalling some policy implications and future research directions.  相似文献   

13.
Mudimu  George T.  Zuo  Ting  Shah  Ashfaq Ahmad  Nalwimba  Nkumbu  Ado  Abdou Matsalabi 《GeoJournal》2021,86(6):2927-2943
GeoJournal - Despite the Zimbabwean State’s narrative and discourse that in fast track land reform areas ‘land leasing is illegal’, there is a surge in land leasing. This article...  相似文献   

14.
Michael Goldman 《Geoforum》2007,38(5):786-800
As recently as 1990, few people in the global South received their water from US or European water firms. But just 10 years later, more than 400 million people did, with that number predicted to increase to 1.2 billion people by 2015, transforming water in Africa, Asia, and Latin America into capitalized markets as precious, and war-provoking, as oil. This article explains how this new global water policy became constituted so quickly, dispersed so widely, with such profound institutional effects. It highlights the prominent role of transnational policy networks in linking environment and development NGOs and the so-called global water policy experts with Northern high-end service sectors, and the ways in which the World Bank facilitates their growth, authority, and efficacy. This phenomenon reflects the World Bank’s latest and perhaps most vulnerable development regime, which I call “green neoliberalism.”  相似文献   

15.
16.
Cameroon's economic development is without doubt a story of success. Since independence, the country has been favoured by internal and external advantages but, as in most African countries south of the Sahara, the results of regional development policies — in spite of an existing and sound planning structure — are disappointing. Cameroon was always well-provided with the now fashionable ‘integrated’, ‘basic need-oriented’, ‘bottom-up’ and ‘development-from-within’ regional policy programmes. In discussing such a programme and proposing elements of a modified development strategy, it can, however, be argued that even the first step of creating a basic regional development project has been far from satisfactory. Further, in spite of government rhetoric, no regional development policy as normally defined exists. What does exist are regional effects of development projects. This prompts the question of whether it may be preferable to replace the term ‘regional development policy’, and to return to a ‘regionally based, comprehensively planned, project policy’, based on facts which first have to be collected and analysed.  相似文献   

17.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the transfer of the green economy from a global discursive level to institutionalization at the national level in Tanzania. While there is a growing amount of research discussing technological aspects of the green economy, less attention has been paid to policy implications and governance aspects, especially in developing countries. There is an increasing emphasis on technological and market-based solutions to environmental challenges globally and in the developed part of the world. However, in developing countries, ‘green growth’ often implies transformed control over natural resources – under schemes that are often driven from abroad. Over the last five to ten years, investments aimed at increasing productivity in the rural agricultural sector in developing countries have become a focus area of the green economy, but various concepts of green have become confused. Such (mis-) interpretation of the green economy has consequences for implementation and outcomes of various ‘green’ projects. Drawing on governmentality as well as the concept of institutional bricolage, I examine how the green economy discourse and policy at the global level have been re-shaped and re-interpreted to fit the existing agri-business initiative of the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT), which has been championed as a model for green economy implementation in Africa. I discuss how the green discourse has been ‘grabbed’ as an opportunity to ‘greenwash’ SAGCOT in its establishment and institutionalization.  相似文献   

18.
以色列地处中东,降雨稀少且分布不均,天然淡水资源短缺。为解决这一困境,以色列自1948年建国后就一直致力于发展水资源高效利用技术,在水资源生产、运输、回收等领域研发出诸多领先全球的新技术。经过多年努力,该国从一个缺水的国家成为高效用水的农业大国,甚至被誉为“欧洲国家的菜篮子”。文章首先介绍了以色列的地理气候情况和水资源类型,然后介绍了水资源利用结构,最后列举了以色列在解决水资源危机时发展的6项创新技术。文章可为我国水资源高效利用与管理提供借鉴,同时也可为今后我国与以色列开展水资源方面的相关合作及学术研究提供基础资料。  相似文献   

19.
This work analyzes how acceptable risk levels are determined in political decisions and related policies in the field of civil protection, i.e., regarding disaster risks and their reduction at the national and supranational level. We examined why establishing the acceptable level of risk is a political decision, and why this decision is not an easy task. Some behavioral elements which can de facto impede such a decision were recognized. Among these, the anomalies inherent in intertemporal choices, availability heuristic and mental accounting play a primary role, because they interfere with preferences for selfish versus others’ interests and with the evaluation of individual versus community gains and losses. Due to these processes, the political decision-maker, unless she is a statesperson, will easily prefer not to decide. Political decision-making, however, could be induced by a change of mind in the voters’ community. This reorientation of the society’s values and interests can be stimulated taking advance from research on social norms, which underlines the role played by some people that drive innovation in a community, e.g., the trendsetters. The scientific, technical and professional communities have the knowledge needed, are aware of the work to be done on the disaster risk reduction and can establish a direct relationship with single trendsetters and statespersons to promote decision-making on disaster risk reduction. Within this relationship, they can build trust, give advice and participate in in-depth discussions. In this interaction and collaboration, behavioral sciences can provide a valuable support for a better reciprocal understanding.  相似文献   

20.
Agatha Herman 《Geoforum》2012,43(6):1121-1130
This paper explores the spaces and power relations of ethical foodscapes. Ethics can offer a commodity a valuable unique selling point in a competitive marketplace but managing the changeable and multiple motivations for stakeholder participation throughout the commodity chain in order to utilise this opportunity is a complex negotiation. Through exploring the spaces and relations within three South African–UK ethical wine networks, the discursive tactics used to sustain these are uncovered. The discourses of Fairtrade, Black Economic Empowerment and organics are highly adaptive, interacting with each other in such a way as to always be contextually appealing. This ‘tactical mutability’ is combined with ‘scales of knowing’, which, this paper argues, are essential for network durability. ‘Scales of knowing’ refers to the recognition by stakeholders of the potential for different articulations of a discourse within the network, which combines with ‘tactical mutability’ to allow for a scalar, contextual and ’knowing’ (im)mutability to ensure the discourse’s continued appeal. However, even when one discourse is the ‘lead’ it always folds within it linkages to other ethical discourses at work, suggesting that ethical practice is mutually supportive discursively. This means that at the producer end ethical interactions may offer more capacity to enact genuine transformation than the solo operations of a discourse.  相似文献   

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