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1.
Acquiring consumer goods and services in the destination country signifies a different type of immigrant experience. This is especially pertinent in world cities where there is a strong presence of ethnic economies and where co-ethnic businesses and mainstream businesses compete against each other. The consumption pattern of immigrants is influenced not only by their pre-migration shopping habits, but also their post-migration transnational behaviour. In this paper, we focus on the consumption experience of Chinese immigrants in Toronto, which hosts one of the largest Chinese ethnic economies outside Asia. Based on a random survey and two focus group discussions, we explore how Chinese immigrants choose between ethnic Chinese and mainstream supermarkets, electronic stores and travel agencies. In theory, Chinese and non-Chinese stores providing similar goods and services are substitutes. The study however reveals intriguing results. Chinese and mainstream travel agencies are substitutes but Chinese and mainstream supermarkets and electronic stores are complements. Such differences reflect the importance of ethnicity and culture in immigrants’ consumption behaviour. The paper provides new evidence on immigrant integration in the domain of consumption and contributes a consumer perspective to the literature on ethnic economy and transnationalism. 相似文献
2.
The cultural politics of local economic development: meaning-making, place-making, and the urban policy process 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Eugene J McCann 《Geoforum》2002,33(3):385-398
A major concern of work in urban and political geography in recent decades has been to analyze how and in whose interests local space economies are produced and reproduced. A common focus is on the role local elites play in gathering support for their development agendas. Drawing from these literatures, this paper focuses on how various visions of the future of localities are contested in the local policy process. It argues that this struggle can be usefully understood as a cultural politics in which meanings are defined and struggled over, where social values are naturalized, and by which `common sense' is constructed and contested. The use of the term `cultural politics of local economic development' is, then, intended to indicate that meaning-making and place-making occur simultaneously in struggles over the future of space economies. It is also an attempt to overcome the problematic distinction between `culture' and `economy' that continues to haunt a great deal of work on urban politics. Through a case study of urban politics in Lexington, Kentucky in which discursive strategies are highlighted, it is argued that this approach is useful in that it provides insight into non-elite perspectives on local economic development and that it underscores the role played by everyday life in constituting political action. The paper concludes by suggesting that any problematization of the conceptual distinction between `culture' and `economy' must be carried out in and through detailed analyses of how groups involved in social struggle frequently construct rhetorical strategies in reference to it. 相似文献
3.
《Geoforum》2016
This paper integrates insights from political ecology with a politics of scaling to discuss the construction and transformation of scalar topographies as part of the politics and power dynamics of natural resource management. The paper details two case studies from Community Based Natural Resource Management in the forest and wildlife sectors of Tanzania to: (1) analyse the devolution of power from the state to the local level; and (2) investigate the constant renegotiations and scalar transformations by actors across multiple levels in attempts to manipulate the governance system. The paper highlights the sociospatial aspects of the struggles and politics of natural resource management, and emphasises that whilst these processes of scalar negotiation and struggle are distinct between the two examples, they both revolve around the same political struggle over power. This indicates an important structuration element of power and scale as they are shaped by both the structural configuration of power within each sector alongside the agency of different actors across multiple levels. 相似文献
4.
Anti-poverty politics in Toronto and Mexico City 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Rianne Mahon 《Geoforum》2010,41(2):209-217
In recent years, governments at different scales in both North and South have been experimenting with alternative methods of alleviating poverty, and redesigning social welfare regimes. While these changes are not entirely congruent across regimes in North and South, there are interesting points of overlap and intersection. The article lays out three broad alternatives to “roll-back” neoliberalism: intrusive liberalism; inclusive liberalism, and a renewed version of social citizenship. It then lays out how these alternatives have played out in anti-poverty politics in Toronto and Mexico City, two sites where creative strategies contesting neoliberalism have been pursued. While both cities occupy a critical place within their respective political economies, they are not usually compared because of their very different positions in the North American division of labour. Yet, as we argue, they face similar challenges in the form of poverty reduction strategies at the national scale that are based on neoliberal principles that do little to meet the needs of their inhabitants. In response, both cities have provided a site for mobilising resources behind alternative anti-poverty policies, inspired by the principles of social citizenship. 相似文献
5.
Ethnic Enclave Reconfiguration: A ‘new’ Chinatown in the Making 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Years of past research on traditional Chinatowns were based on the assumption that Chinatown is an ethnic enclave for a single
ethnic minority, i.e. the Chinese. In recent years, one could observe significant changes over Chinatowns in terms of more
Vietnamese presence. Yet, the transition process as an object of study is much under-represented in the literature on ethnic
enclaves. Looking at ethnic business transition from Hong Kong to Vietnamese in Toronto’s Chinatown West, this paper argues
strongly that ‘multiple ethnicity’ can coexist in an enclave. For this case study, the Chinatown is being reconfigured into a ‘new’ Chinatown. Drawing upon data from the authors’ Vietnamese Business Database that covers information between
1983 and 2003, we present both spatial and temporal analyses that offer insights into how the Vietnamese businesses grow through
time. Our findings support the existence of a Vietnamization process in Toronto Chinatown West. However, its evolution is
still in an infant stage. In some aspects, the incoming Vietnamese businesses display similarities with the remaining Hong
Kong businesses. In sum, a total reconfiguration of Chinatown West in form and business nature is still unaccomplished. The
conventional enclave concept which bases on the singularity of ethnic group has to be abandoned in view of rising occurrence
of ethnic transition, particularly in this globalizing era. 相似文献
6.
European politics and planning have recently been characterized by a shift to economic entrepreneurialism at sub-national scales, and the planned redevelopment of the city-region in pursuit of global competitiveness, which scholars have interpreted in light of political-economic “rescaling” or regionalization and the emergence of a “new regionalism.” Analyzing rescaling largely in terms of shifting economic and institutional structures, however, many accounts underestimate the complexity and enduring power of so-called ‘old’ regionalist politics of culture and identity as backdrop to urban redevelopment planning. In this paper we address how the urban planning process mediates between the seemingly dichotomous tendencies of regionalized entrepreneurialism and cultural regionalism. Using case studies of two Spanish autonomous regions and their major urban centers – the Basque Country or Euskadi (Bilbao) and the Comunitat Valenciana (València) – we review the historical geography of planning in the European region in order to explore how cultural regionalism collides with economic rescaling and entrepreneurialism, in and through the planned landscape. We propose that such emerging and hybrid politics and planning be understood as a form of entrepreneurial regionalism, a culturally inflected form of economic competitiveness characteristic of but not unique to the Spanish region. This specific notion of entrepreneurial regionalism may illuminate how planners mediate global and local imperatives within political discourse and landscapes that materialize them, and allow us to better reconceptualize the relationship between economic globalization, state restructuring, and cultural politics in a new Europe of the Regions. 相似文献
7.
European politics and planning have recently been characterized by a shift to economic entrepreneurialism at sub-national scales, and the planned redevelopment of the city-region in pursuit of global competitiveness, which scholars have interpreted in light of political-economic “rescaling” or regionalization and the emergence of a “new regionalism.” Analyzing rescaling largely in terms of shifting economic and institutional structures, however, many accounts underestimate the complexity and enduring power of so-called ‘old’ regionalist politics of culture and identity as backdrop to urban redevelopment planning. In this paper we address how the urban planning process mediates between the seemingly dichotomous tendencies of regionalized entrepreneurialism and cultural regionalism. Using case studies of two Spanish autonomous regions and their major urban centers – the Basque Country or Euskadi (Bilbao) and the Comunitat Valenciana (València) – we review the historical geography of planning in the European region in order to explore how cultural regionalism collides with economic rescaling and entrepreneurialism, in and through the planned landscape. We propose that such emerging and hybrid politics and planning be understood as a form of entrepreneurial regionalism, a culturally inflected form of economic competitiveness characteristic of but not unique to the Spanish region. This specific notion of entrepreneurial regionalism may illuminate how planners mediate global and local imperatives within political discourse and landscapes that materialize them, and allow us to better reconceptualize the relationship between economic globalization, state restructuring, and cultural politics in a new Europe of the Regions. 相似文献
8.
Sutama Ghosh 《GeoJournal》2007,68(2-3):223-242
Transnational theories have established that, after migrating to a new country, migrants often maintain their pre-existing social, economic, and political ties to their home country. The extent to which however, transnational institutional and social connections may affect the residential location and housing experiences of immigrant and refugee groups, and why and how these experiences differ within broadly defined immigrant groups such as the ‘South Asians’ remains unexplored. Building on transnational theory and previous research on the housing trajectories of new Canadians, this paper examines the housing experiences of two recently arrived ‘South Asian’ subgroups in Toronto–Indian Bengalis and Bangladeshis. By highlighting important intra-immigrant group differences, the study reveals how diverse transnational ties affect their neighbourhood choice and the type, tenure, and quality of housing when they first arrived in Toronto. 相似文献
9.
Our understanding of the role of institutions and property-rights regimes in natural resource management has matured through the work of new institutional economists and common-property theorists. Even so, this literature has yet to establish clear connections between successful resource management, and a given property regime’s spatio-temporal fit. Examining people-forest interaction within a state-managed forest regime in India’s Western Ghats, this paper argues that regime efficacy in satisfying user needs, hinges on appropriately reflecting particular sociospatial contexts and incorporating temporal flexibility into its normative structure. To these ends, this study analyzes institutional structure regulating forest use and management, and examines data collected through extensive fieldwork, in-depth interviews and informal conversations with local villagers and foresters. The results suggest that user responses to access conditions, and their rationales for engaging in particular extraction practices, vary based on caste/class-based perceptions of regime legitimacy, distributional equity, and historical proprietorship rights. Furthermore, the analysis questions the viability of locally managed regimes under such heterogeneous social settings. Rather, this research recognizes the state’s vital role in mediating resource access. It suggests that regime efficacy can be fostered through state-civil society partnerships, widely distributed stakeholder-ship and firmly embedded regimes that adapt to changing sociospatial contexts through modifications to conditions of use and access. Based on the analysis, this paper explores an initial set of sociospatial and temporal parameters that promote institutional efficacy in management, and thus lays the groundwork for future studies in institutional and political ecology. 相似文献
10.
《Geoforum》2016
The everyday politics of rural young people who live in post-war settings in the Global South is poorly explored. In the aftermath of a recent civil war in Nepal (1996–2006), villages have been operating without elected bodies, and poorly functioning local governance has been concentrated around party patronage networks and community development. In the lives of many young people, the aspirations and practices of educational and labour mobility have been dominant. Based on fieldwork carried out in the Panchthar District, this article discusses how ordinary young people nevertheless engage in different political dimensions. Guiding the analysis through the narratives of four young men and women, I have accentuated how the tension between socio-political situatedness and young people’s life strategies shapes the versatility of their political engagement. How do those who did not become political activists balance their daily lives, mobility and household obligations with involvement in party and local development politics? By exploring their motivations and engagement, I come to two conclusions. Firstly, young men navigate party politics by juggling the legacy of patronage and rejecting parties, as well as by involving themselves in disruptive events and seeking personal benefit from them. Secondly, young men and women negotiate their political motivations in community development politics primarily through household dynamics adjusted to their mobile lifestyle. 相似文献
11.
In this paper we suggest how social network analysis, in contrast to looking at physical space, can be used to trace the social
and economic location of ethnic enclaves. Taking skilled workers immigrating to Canada from China as an example, we analyze
critically how split labor market theories describe materialist and structural factors that determine immigrants’ limited
options. Cultural theories play up immigrants’ interest in using their cultural resources to pull themselves ahead. We propose
that social network analysis as a single framework can bring together elements from materialist–structural and cultural theories.
The position of people and firms in these networks gives us a view of the kinds of jobs immigrants get and the businesses
they set up. To understand the ethnic economy, we discuss how networks of social and economic relations intersect each other.
By seeing the ethnic economy embedded in social networks, we can provide a more general explanation of the social space of
the ethnic economy in contrast to its physical location. We use three cases of ethnic entrepreneurs to illustrate how the
social and economic relations locate their businesses in the enclave and how they are also linked to the mainstream economy.
1This paper has benefitted from the critical clarifications of Chiu Luk and an anonymous reviewer, and the talented editing
of Allen Sutterfield. Lynn Xu Liping helped on an earlier draft. 相似文献
12.
《Geoforum》2013
This article shows how paramilitaries and allied companies put grassroots development discourses of political participation and subsidiarity, environmental conservation, and ethnic empowerment to work in executing and ratifying their massive land grab in northwest Colombia. More than a case of trying to “whitewash” their malfeasance with fashionable and politically correct development-speak, I argue that the grassroots development apparatus—its discourses, institutional forms, and practices—became utterly instrumental to the illegal land seizures. Moreover, when operating alongside practices of land parcelization, iterative transactions, producers’ cooperatives, and third-party intermediaries, grassroots development facilitated what could be called “land laundering.” In the process, grassroots development became a conduit for paramilitary-backed state formation in which projects of liberal governance commonly associated with the imperatives of institution building, good governance, and the rule of law became perversely compatible with the region’s economies of violence. With the World Bank increasingly concerned over the conflation of fragile states, violent conflict, and alarming land grabs, this article raises questions about how the grassroots solutions currently being endorsed by the Bank can in some cases actually facilitate dispossession, illicit economies, and violent political projects. The way paramilitaries harnessed grassroots development also has critical implications for debates about post-development. 相似文献
13.
This article discusses the particularity of young people’s politics as it unfolds in the practice of everyday life. By exploring
a conflict concerning the use of a public park in the City of Oulu, Finland, we discuss how young people may participate in
struggles over urban space trough politics that is not based on voice but voicelessness. This political engagement can be
understood as a form of nonparticipatory politics that is easily left unnoticed—politics that shirks civic involvement, customary
participatory practices and articulated resistance. We deem it important to acknowledge such action as political for two reasons.
First, voiceless politics is a weapon of the weak: It is used when other political agencies are not feasible e. Viewing non-participation
as apolitical will only further marginalize those who practice politics in such ways. Second, it is important to find ways
of acknowledging nonparticipatory action because, while not commonly understood as politics, it is not easily bypassed in
political struggles either. By distinguishing political aspects from young people’s urban behaviors, instead of hearing their
presence as mere noise, provides tools for bringing their politics to the public agenda and thus developing more democratic
urban spaces. 相似文献
14.
David Featherstone 《Geoforum》2004,35(6):701-711
This paper engages with the material geographies of political conflict. It applies the concerns of actor-network theory around the entangled character of material/social relations to the geographies of subaltern politics. It explores how interconnected strikes of riverside labourers and sailors in the London and Newcastle Port Strikes of 1768 contested the terms on which materials were enrolled into mercantile capitalist networks. The dynamic geographies of these strikes are used to unsettle constructions of subaltern spaces of politics as bounded and localised. The paper then demonstrates how labourers crafted multiple antagonisms through negotiating their location in materially heterogeneous networks. It uses this concern with contested material geographies to engage with the entangled construction of political identities. The paper concludes that interrogating the materialities of political conflict does not just add a neglected technical dimension to the study of political activity; it provides considerable resources for engaging with the inventiveness of subaltern political activity and agency [Barry, A., Political Machines: Governing A Technological Society, Continuum Publications, London, 2001]. 相似文献
15.
Takeyuki Tsuda 《GeoJournal》2011,76(6):641-659
Although research on immigrants in the US provides strong evidence that human capital is more important than social capital
in determining their wages, data from Hamamatsu, Japan indicates that social capital variables are the primary determinant
of immigrant earnings and human capital does not have a significant effect. The divergent impact of these two variables on
the earnings of immigrants are a result of the different economic and social conditions that immigrants encounter in Japan
compared to the United States. In a recent country of immigration like Japan where immigrant labor markets are relatively
undeveloped and foreign workers are confined to unskilled, marginal jobs, the human capital that they acquire over time is
not reflected in better jobs with higher earnings. In contrast, immigrants with access to social capital in the form of immigrant
networks, gender, and ethnicity are able to obtain jobs with higher wages in Japan. Because foreign workers are still temporary
target earners, they therefore rely heavily on their immigrant social networks to find better-paying jobs. In addition, Japan
is a country with significant gender and ethnic discrimination where employers strongly prefer male foreign workers and ethnically
similar nikkeijin (Japanese descendants born and raised abroad) and are willing to pay them significantly higher wages. Therefore,
depending on the local context of immigrant reception, the relative importance of human versus social capital in explaining
economic outcomes among immigrants can vary considerably. 相似文献
16.
《Geoforum》2017
Using the Canadian Arctic as a case study this paper explores how Internet-based research can be used to advance area studies in an era of rapid global change. Regions of the world are rapidly changing due to social, technological, and environmental processes, and traditionally marginalized groups are increasingly using digital tools to help shape new geographical imaginations of these regions. Digital research is uniquely capable of analyzing these political uses of digital technologies, to produce a better understanding of how many different stakeholders are shaping emerging geographical imaginations. The Canadian Arctic offers a particularly powerful case study to understand these processes both because it represents a geographic region that is complex, multi-scalar, and rapidly evolving, and also because it is a region in which traditionally marginalized indigenous groups are using the Internet to increase the visibility of their perspectives. This paper develops an innovative methodology, combining computational analysis of ‘big data’ along with traditional forms of qualitative analysis, to analyze representations of the Arctic across the websites of five different organizations. These organizational websites were chosen because each of the organizations has a different relationship to the Arctic, operates at a different geographic scale, has some relevance to areas of the Canadian Arctic in which Inuit live, and has a large website. The analysis successfully reveals how these different organizations use the web to shape different types of geographic imaginations of the Arctic, as well as the types of discursive politics being used by the organizations to push forward their own political goals. The result is a powerful form of area studies capable of highlighting the geographic imaginations and re-imaginations of a complex set of actors operating at many different scales. 相似文献
17.
Nancy Krieger has been one of the leading voices in documenting how social ‘axes of difference’, including race, ethnicity
and class make people vulnerable to poor health and limit their access to effective health care. We discuss the importance
of ‘locating’ diversity in health inequalities research. This includes critically dissecting racial and ethnic axes into more
nuanced social categories that incorporate differences based on immigration and other factors. It also involves considering
how diverse population groups vary in their perception and use of space for health-related activities and exposures. Examples
relating to immigrant populations’ health and access to health care are discussed. 相似文献
18.
Entrepreneurship, ethnicity and local contexts: Hispanic entrepreneurs in three U.S. southern metropolitan areas 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Previous research suggests that entrepreneurship can provide ethnic minorities a springboard for economic advancement and social integration. However, self-employment rates vary significantly among ethnic groups, between men and women, and in different places. The prevailing literature suggests that personal characteristics, including human capital attributes, ethnic networking, institutional regulations, societal structures and discrimination, all contribute to the differential ethnic entrepreneurship rates. However, very few recent studies have analyzed how different urban socio-economic contexts influence this process. Using the 2000 Public Usable Microdata Samples (PUMS), this study examines how Hispanic entrepreneurs perform in three different metropolitan areas in the US South. The results show that the ethnic diversity, history of immigration, and the economic structure in each local area have provided different opportunities and challenges for Hispanics to start up and maintain their own businesses. This study suggests that the process of economic incorporation of ethnic minorities and immigrants depends significantly on the institutional capacity and social, cultural and political resources of local communities. 相似文献
19.
《Geoforum》2015
This article contributes an empirically rich account of a social enterprise project embedded in local urban economies of Nairobi, Kenya. The confluence of rapid, unplanned urbanisation and economic liberalisation has led to growing formations of informal settlements and a vibrant informal sector across post-colonial cities. These “slum” neighbourhoods, housing the majority of the urban population on a fraction of the city’s land, are often ignored and marginalized by the state and municipal authorities, particularly with regards to basic service provision. At the same time, slum economies provide entry-points for various enterprise-led development schemes seeking to commercially engage both entrepreneurial individuals and their existing customer base in order to scale access to unmet needs. The discussion is based on an ethnographic study in one of Nairobi’s largest informal settlements, which focused on the everyday practices of a local micro-franchise called “Community Cleaning Services”. The article illustrates how waste workers and self-proclaimed “hustlers” were turned into micro-franchisee entrepreneurs providing a sanitation service to residential customers, through their engagement with Community Cleaning Services. This ethnographic account raises two potentially contradictory but inter-related debates that are rarely considered alongside one another in the existing literature on corporate involvement in low-income markets. First, it reframes the critiques of enterprise-led initiatives to “poverty alleviation” by focusing on the implications of commercialising “basic” services and on the logistical and cultural challenges of turning social needs into market demands. Second, it emphasises the often-invisible role of grassroots informal economies in enabling access to vital services in the absence of an adequately resourced and responsive municipality. The article concludes with a broader reflection on the effects and limitations of corporate-led development schemes targeting the urban poor and points to the contrasting logics of grassroots entrepreneurial urbanism and corporate—albeit “socially responsible”—parameters of success. 相似文献
20.
《Geoforum》2015
The themes of immigration and mobility have not been adequately examined by environmental justice (EJ) scholars. This study addresses that gap by clarifying factors shaping Hispanic people’s residential decision-making and their associated exposures to cancer risks from Hazardous Air Pollutants (HAPs) in Greater Houston, Texas. In-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with 29 Hispanic householders who had previously completed a structured survey, which was representative of Greater Houston’s population. Our research design enabled data collection from immigrant and United States (US)-born Hispanics living at high and low risk to HAPs. By using a comparative qualitative analysis approach to examine divergent experiences of Hispanic subgroups, we advance from the monolithic treatment of the US Hispanic population reflected in the extant EJ literature. Our findings reveal that key determinants of high HAP risks included economic constraint on residential locational options for both US-born and immigrant Hispanics, and attraction to sociocultural benefits in co-ethnic enclaves among immigrants in particular. In contrast, protective factors differed entirely between US-born and immigrant Hispanics. For US-born participants, the experience of upward-and-outward sociospatial mobility – coupled with detachment from the Hispanic community – generated lower HAP risks, while the experience of living in social isolation within a less-than-ideal rental unit was protective for immigrants. The pernicious, multiscalar nature of environmental injustice experienced by Greater Houston’s Hispanic immigrants is encapsulated by the fact that their pursuit of affordable and comfortable residential settings at the household level contributes to the reproduction of their collectively disproportionate HAP exposures. 相似文献