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1.
《Geoforum》2017
This paper scrutinizes how the Meänkieli-speaking minority in The Torne Valley, northern Sweden, use humor in the process of narrativizing their shifting spatial identities, as well as in maintaining and contesting prevailing power relations. A great deal of the research focusing on the social and political nature of humor, and its geographical dimensions, has concerned the humor directed at ethnic and national minorities, with minority groups typically being approached as targets of laughter. However, less interest has been paid to how minorities use and experience humor in their everyday lives and environments. Humor is approached here as an integral part of how people make sense of culture and society in a creative manner and cope with and challenge subordinating power-relations and social inequality. In terms of methodology, laughing together operates as a (research) approach through which spatial identities of linguistic minorities can be renegotiated. The study is based on group discussions held with local culture workers and activists between September 2015 and February 2016 in Swedish Torne Valley. The paper produces new theoretical and empirical knowledge concerning how humor is used in a creative manner to make sense of, produce and contest socio-spatial relations. 相似文献
2.
Ron J. Smith 《Geoforum》2011,42(3):316-328
This paper highlights the importance of analysis of the microgeographies of occupation, and the spatially-differentiated means that the Israeli Occupation Forces use to maintain the occupation and create spaces of graduated incarceration for Palestinians. Using the examples of the hinterlands of Qalqiliyah and the old city of Al-Khalil (Hebron) in the occupied West Bank, this paper exposes the microgeographical differentiation the occupation mobilizes in its attempt to enact a panoptic sovereignty over the population, in the process of dispossession. This study challenges geopolitical formations of the state as primary actor, and focuses instead on narratives of Palestinians describing their own experiences of occupation by a hostile state. By relying on popular media, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation, this paper seeks to incorporate a Palestinian vision of life under occupation to challenge traditional geopolitical visions of the Palestinian Israeli conflict, in effect creating a subaltern geopolitical narrative. 相似文献
3.
After decades of relative silence, the study of frontiers and boundaries is resuming a prominent place in political geography.
The impetus for the revival of limology (border studies) comes from the global context of a post-Cold War order, which has
led to challenges to existing political arrangements, and from the identity turn in human geography and related disciplines.
The study of frontiers and borders needs to be integrated into the main theories of the discipline. World-system theory, long
criticized for its lack of a territorial footing, offers an opportunity for extension of its three geographic scales (world-economy,
nation-state and locality) to incorporate two newly-emerging spatial dimensions at the macro-regional (bloc) and sub-national
levels. Global and geopolitical trends, as well as shifting identities at national and sub-national scales, are reviewed and
their effects on the changing scales of territoriality are reviewed. A geographic model illustrating the shifting and overlapping
nature of borders is developed based on the contemporary developments in Eastern Europe. The case of contemporary Ukraine,
as an example of state-and nation-building, shows these geopolitical changes as complex and dynamic.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
4.
Rethinking geopolitics in an era of climate change 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
This article examines the disconnect between predictions about climate change and dominant geopolitical framings of the future. To begin, we introduce four popular geopolitical models of the world. We then show how climate change is a critical variable when considering the future of international politics. Focusing on the specific issues of water availability, agricultural productivity, coastal impacts, and shipping routes, we discuss the implications of predicted changes in the wake of climate change for the assumptions on which these scenarios are built. We show that work linking climate change and geopolitics has clear implications for the ways in which the future geopolitical (dis)order is conceptualized, and we argue that the failure to incorporate this work into geopolitical scenario-planning represents a significant limitation to their utility. We offer some direction for a re-conceptualization of the future based on a more dynamic and flexible approach to geopolitics that recognizes the disruptions posed by climatic and other environmental changes. 相似文献
5.
The paper presents an overview of the Upper Adriatic as a contact area between different cultural, social, economic and political entities, producing potential conflicts in the last century. The first part of the 20th century represented a classic example of geopolitical conflict through two World Wars and their related Peace Conferences that deeply impacted the region. Conflicts arising from the mid-century solution of the Trieste question transformed the Upper Adriatic into a laboratory of contemporary political geographic transformation. Changing geopolitical patterns have also modified the political, social and ethnic construction of the Upper Adriatic. The process of creating new international boundaries in the region ended in 1991 with the independence of Slovenia and Croatia. Through these geopolitical transformations in the Upper Adriatic, new political geographic attitudes evolved. Early on, Ratzel's geopolitical principles of defining borders as power barometers between neighbors dominated. More recently, attitudes have reflected modern integrative ideas with a focus on looking for harmony and the elimination of international conflicts. Greater attention has thus been given to the political geography of `everyday life', inter-ethnic relations, and cross-border contacts. Hence, `new' borderlands of the Upper Adriatic are more receptive to integration because they seek to overcome conflicts caused by the division of traditionally homogeneous spaces as local level political and ideological hindrances disappear. The region divided among Italy, Slovenia, and Croatia is becoming a new and special type of European borderland in the new century. 相似文献
6.
David Turnock 《GeoJournal》2004,59(1):77-89
In the context of American geography's distinguished record in area studies around the world, East Central Europe stands out as a region that has attracted particular scrutiny over the time-span of activity by the Association of American Geographers. While the work done prior to 1918 was inevitably cast in an imperial framework with some hints of environmental determinism, the subsequent emergence of a new Europe — along with more explicitly humanistic perspectives in a discipline that was continuing to grow rapidly — led to a surge in field activity which was maintained through the communist years despite the formidable restrictions of the early post-war years. While there is a great diversity in the contributions made it is evident that there has been a continuing preoccupation with political power and the region's geopolitical significance evaluated in the context of changing great power relations. Also the big questions of economic and social geography — resources, culture and planning systems — have been examined; while a number of geographers have dedicated significant proportions of their total career activity to in-depth primary research on their chosen specialisms. 相似文献
7.
Merje Kuus 《Geoforum》2007,38(2):241-251
This paper investigates the role of intellectuals in the production of geopolitical discourses. It analyzes how the cultural capital of humanist credentials and artistic aura functions to authenticate and legitimate geopolitical claims. Drawing empirically from Central Europe and especially Estonia, I argue that intellectuals are central to the production of a particular ‘cultural’ concept of geopolitics - the notion that foreign policy expresses the state’s and the nation’s identity. As cultural capital gives intellectuals a special license to speak about culture, it constitutes an essential component in geopolitical discourses in Central Europe.The paper contributes to Europeanist geography by clarifying the mechanisms through which Central Europe is cast externally and internally as a place particularly imbued with culture and identity - a place whose integration with the EU and NATO represents its cultural ‘return’ to Europe. It takes us beyond the romanticized notion of intellectuals - especially the formerly dissident ones - as ‘speaking truth to power’, and offers a more subtle account of their role as producers of power discourses.Beyond Central Europe, the paper underscores the political and cultural milieu of geopolitical claims and the specific structures of legitimacy through which these claims are justified and normalized. A nuanced understanding of the role of ‘culture’ in geopolitical discourses requires that we closely examine the cultural and moral capital of intellectuals. This would also enable us to better delineate human agency in the production of geopolitics. 相似文献
8.
A subaltern critical geopolitics of the war on terror: Postcolonial security in Tanzania 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Joanne Sharp 《Geoforum》2011,42(3):297-305
Currently, hegemonic geographical imaginations are dominated by the affective geopolitics of the War on Terror, and related security practice is universalised into what has been called “globalized fear” (Pain, 2009). Critical approaches to geopolitics have been attentive to the Westerncentric nature of this imaginary, however, studies of non-Western perceptions of current geopolitics and the nature of fear will help to further displace dominant geopolitical imaginations. Africa, for example, is a continent that is often captured in Western geopolitics - as a site of failed states, the coming anarchy, passive recipient of aid, and so on - but geopolitical representations originating in Africa rarely make much of an impact on political theory.This paper aims to add to critical work on the so-called War on Terror from a perspective emerging from the margins of the dominant geopolitical imagination. It considers the geopolitical imagination of the War on Terror from a non-Western source, newspapers in Tanzania. 相似文献
9.
《Geoforum》2015
Social capital has been a popular concept used in research and policy to stress the value of social contacts for the health and well-being of older adults. However, not much is known about the obstacles to and the opportunities for local social contacts in older adults’ everyday lives. In this paper we provide a geographical account of older adults’ social capital, by taking the main context of their daily life, the neighbourhood, into consideration. We draw on semi-structured and walking interviews with 17 older adults living in an urban neighbourhood in the Northern Netherlands in order to illustrate the meanings of, the obstacles to and the opportunities for local social contacts. Our findings show that the neighbourhood is not an isotropic surface where opportunities for developing social capital are evenly distributed. The potential benefits of older adults’ local social contacts differ depending on the place of social interaction within the neighbourhood and expectations associated with these interactions. Furthermore, different time geographies of older and younger residents as well as ageist stereotypes of older adults’ body capital influence the development of social capital in the neighbourhood. 相似文献
10.
Bertha K. Becker 《GeoJournal》1985,11(1):7-14
This paper analyzes the role played by the state in the expansion of the frontier from a geopolitical viewpoint. In this regard, emphasis will be placed on the question of access to the land as related to the work force mobility, a vital aspect for understanding geopolitical attitudes. Land-opening and migration policies will be considered in association with the implicit strategy of the state, as well as in its consequences for the expansion of the frontier in the E Amazon basin. A return to geopolitical analysis of the space seems opportune at a time when new policies of space management and territorial control are becoming more evident. 相似文献
11.
David W. E. HONE 《《地质学报》英文版》2012,86(6):1366-1376
12.
Mary Douglas 《GeoJournal》1999,47(3):411-415
Cultural theory works with a parsimonious model of four cultural types, each emanating from a specific form of organisation.
The four types are identified as attitudes and values that justify the organisation. The hierarchical type, with its ranked
levels and symmetrical branchings, depends on the adoption of hierarchical values and the expression of matching judgements.
Likewise for the enclavist culture, the individualist culture and that of the isolates. There is no assumption of fixity,
on the contrary, the four types are represented in any community, and social life is in permanent tension and flux. This article
gives a summary of the early history of the theory.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
13.
Jacques Lévy 《GeoJournal》1998,46(4):279-283
The paper initially describes some of the most important historical processes that have conditioned France's geopolitical position in the contemporary world. It discusses the current changes in France's geopolitics as a changing reality of international relations and as a changing discourse of scholars and experts, that reflects those real world changes. The paper focuses on French politics in Africa and on France's policy in Europe after the end of the Cold War. In Africa the French post-colonial empire with its close ties between domestic regimes, French business interests and the French state becomes unsustainable after the bipolar rivalry has been suspended. In Europe French policy can no longer be presented as either an independent view among a series of others (Europe des patries) nor as a successful effort to press French views by way of a larger European entity. The paper presents an overview of geopolitical literature written in France as a reflection of these conditions. 相似文献
14.
Gertjan Dijkink 《GeoJournal》1998,46(4):293-299
Geopolitical codes – intellectual tools for practising statecraft – share a certain basic understanding of the world with less articulate, popular representations. Both are influenced by national geographies and histories. The international power game may (particularly in large countries) temporarily alienate codes from popular representations but the ensuing conflicts also prove the solidity of popular visions about the world order. Change is nevertheless possible and should be one of the central themes of research in geopolitical representations. This article concludes with specifying five perspectives that can be adopted in cross-national research: time/space models of the world, national myths, territorial narratives, active/passive approach of international relations and reactions to international crises. 相似文献
15.
Tracing contingencies: analyzing the political in assemblages of web 2.0 cartographies 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Our paper presents a theoretical approach to critical research on web 2.0 cartographies. Within the geoweb, dynamic and collaborative web based maps have become a popular medium for collating and communicating geographic information. Web 2.0 cartographies are often promoted as facilitating public participation and democratizing geographic knowledge. Such claims demand a closer look at the processes through which people do engage in these cartographic projects and the multiple actors, institutions, norms and technologies at work. In the context of ‘theorizing the geoweb’, here we propose conceptual tools for analyzing these myriad interactions within web 2.0 cartographies. We understand web 2.0 cartographies as assemblages of subjects, materialities and practices, or ‘actor networks’. Yet explorations of actor‐networks describe existing relations and as a consequence tend to overlook what has been excluded or lies outside of such assemblages. In order to overcome this blindness we suggest bringing together actor‐network theory with the concepts of hegemonic discourses, contingency and the political from Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau. These two political theorists stress the idea that specific social realities become fixed, sedimented and perceived as natural while other possible social realities become marginalized. Using the example of the dynamic ‘Palestine Crisis Map’ (an Ushahidi Crowdmap) we demonstrate a methodology that emphasizes sensitivity towards moments of exclusion and struggle, where the political unfolds. Theorizing the political in this way extends the processual approach within Critical Cartography and offers a conceptual basis for critical research on the social dimensions of web 2.0 cartographies and geoweb practices. 相似文献
16.
安徽省新一轮铁矿勘查的几点思考 总被引：4，自引：3，他引：1
新一轮铁矿勘查是我省国民经济和社会发展的需要,科学统一部署勘查工作是实现我省铁矿找矿突破的关键。本文介绍我省铁矿勘查取得的新进展,并对新一轮铁矿勘查下一步工作进行了探讨,提出了以新的成矿理论和成矿模式为指导,以沿江和霍邱勘查为重点,主攻沉积变质和玢岩铁矿两种矿床类型,加大方法研究和机制创新的总体工作思路。本文还探讨了我省重要矿集区的勘查主要方向和重点地区。 相似文献
17.
《Geoforum》2013
This paper explores audience engagements with popular television food media via a focus on UK based celebrity chef Jamie Oliver. One series, Jamie’s Ministry of Food (JMOF) is argued to form a common resource around which different audience positions are constructed and performed. This paper draws on focus group and interview data from two stereotypically contrasting UK towns, Rotherham and Tunbridge Wells. The paper identifies three key tropes: embarrassment, voyeurism and reflexive positioning. In Rotherham I show how the formation of embarrassment is premised upon an imagined social relationship between distant audiences, JMOF and an anxiously anticipating subject. In Tunbridge Wells I explore the recursive relationship between Voyeuristic class disgust and subsequent reflexive positioning. I argue that reflexive positioning works through exchanges of public self critique and public media critique in order to attain and maintain a position within a social group. Voyeuristic and reflexive audience positions are argued to be complementary to one another, forming two parts of a wider flexible relationship to media and the social, possessed by those in particular geographical, as well as subject, positions. The ostensible aims of JMOF are the improvement of health and culinary skill and yet these are complicated and interrogated in audience accounts. Matters of a moral nature, including discussions of social class, poverty, disgust, pleasure, and the ethics of spectatorship take prominence. 相似文献
18.
Crime mobility: Spatial modelling of routine activities of arrestees and substance abusers in South Africa 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
G. Weir-Smith 《GeoJournal》2004,59(3):209-215
Routine activity theory proposes that a crime will take place within a criminal's area of social interaction. This space is
delimited by his/her workplace, residence and/or place of recreation. This theory, however, has not been tested to include
substance use, especially in the South African context. Therefore, where such substances are obtained and used the location
of subsequent criminal activities needs to be incorporated in this theory. Given this context, the paper tests the hypothesis
that as drug users expand their activity sphere they also expand their crime space. The analysis is based upon an HSRC national
survey of arrestees in which data on their place of work, residence, leisure and drug obtaining were collected. These data
were linked by GIS and analysed to establish relationships between the social interaction sphere and drug obtaining of the
respondents. This expected expanded behaviour is analysed spatially and used to identify hot spots and high priority areas
for police intervention. These results assist in making predictions about places where substances can be expected to be obtained.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
19.
Baruch A. Kipnis 《Geoforum》1984,15(2):191-200
The lessons of a regional development policy for Northern Israel are evaluated. The policy has been led by two complementary objectives: the creation of a demographic balance in favour of Jews and the geographical development of a continuous network of Jewish settlements. Each objective had its appropriate spatial timing in the regional process. The first took advantage of geopolitical needs, ideological values and social conditions of the evolving nation during its pre-state and its early years. Attempts to reach the other objective through urban development programmes had failed until recently due to the strong polarization effects of Metropolitan Haifa. Starting in the mid 1970s, spontaneous metropolitan spread effects have created favourable conditions of growth. They have been reflected by both urban growth and massive rural development throughout the spillover effect area of the metropolis. 相似文献
20.
Research has examined the role of social media during the time of a crisis in various fields; however, there is a paucity of research in this area as it relates to tourism. Moreover, few studies have examined at-risk populations, such as tourists, in times of crisis. To assess the drivers of turning to social media during a crisis, a national survey of 1,018 African American travelers was conducted. Respondents were asked to indicate on a 5-point scale the likelihood of turning to social media for information “if they were currently in the middle of their trip and heard that a crisis has just occurred within the immediate vicinity of their current location.” Hierarchical regression analysis was conducted to determine drivers on African American travelers’ decisions to use social media during a crisis. These drivers were age, perceptions of risk during their trip, and frequency and type of social media use engaged in on a regular basis. Overall, findings suggested that when controlling for age only, crime, financial, and physical perceptions of risk drove social media use during a crisis, while controlling for age and perception of risk, use of social media in one's daily life showed no influence. 相似文献