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1.
The Western periphery constitutes one of the primary electoral sections of the United States in presidential history. The Western periphery, although at times volatile, emerged as a Republican stronghold beginning with Dwight Eisenhower's regional electoral sweeps in the 1950s. This electoral epoch of Republican popularity in the West has been referred to as the new Western normal vote. Despite long-sustained presidential successes, since the 1988 presidential election, Democratic presidential candidates have been able to win certain states in the Republican-dominated region. This research examines the historical dynamics of Republican support in the West by identifying shifts in voting behavior between past and present epochs. We attempt to explain recent changes by exploring the historical character of the West, its demographic dynamics, and the recent turbulence within the Republican Party. County-level election returns from 1952 to 2016 are used, along with traditional and folded T-mode factor analysis, spatial regression modeling, and cartographic analysis. We conclude that the region's normal vote is deteriorating, a new electoral pattern is emerging, and these developments correspond with increasing volatility within the Republican Party.  相似文献   

2.
Geographic polarization arises when partisan, or like‐minded, voters live in enclaves separate from voters of differing partisan behavior. Research studies at multiple scales of analysis suggest that geographic polarization most typically occurs regarding partisan voting behavior; however, few studies have analyzed polarization with a focus on policy preferences. This research examines same‐sex marriage policy through two statewide issues that shared the presidential election ballot in 2004. The results of that presidential election and these two ballot initiatives are examined in Cincinnati, Ohio, and counties in its surrounding Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) in both Ohio and Kentucky. A geographically polarized relationship was found between partisan results and same‐sex marriage results. In addition, the findings suggest that despite a close link between partisan voting and issue voting on same‐sex marriage, spatial clustering (geographic polarization) was identified of those who voted differently from their fellow partisans.  相似文献   

3.
A great deal of interdisciplinary literature suggests that although the general motivation to vote is complex, it can be partially explained by a multitude of psychological and contextual factors, including local geographic patterns. I extend this observation to one particular type of voting behavior: sincere crossover voting, or voting for a candidate outside of one's own political affiliation, in a general election. Using a replicable methodological approach that incorporates partisan spatial segregation and exposure as predictors into statistical models of crossover voting behavior for a selected U.S. election, I produce evidence to suggest that the spatial arrangement of partisans influences crossover behavior in the study area, although not uniformly for members of the two major American political parties.  相似文献   

4.
A factor analysis of the 1978 Massachusetts election is undertaken to investigate whether the alleged decline of political parties in the United States can be distinguished at the state scale. Four factors are identified, two of which relate to the voting patterns of state-wide candidates. The main factor is easily seen to represent a “party voting”pattern and the fourth factor suggests a nonparty pattern of support associated with the Democratic candidate for governor, Edward King. It is suggested that this separation of the voting pattern for Democratic candidates may possibly reflect party decomposition in Massachusetts.  相似文献   

5.

A factor analysis of the 1978 Massachusetts election is undertaken to investigate whether the alleged decline of political parties in the United States can be distinguished at the state scale. Four factors are identified, two of which relate to the voting patterns of state-wide candidates. The main factor is easily seen to represent a “party voting”pattern and the fourth factor suggests a nonparty pattern of support associated with the Democratic candidate for governor, Edward King. It is suggested that this separation of the voting pattern for Democratic candidates may possibly reflect party decomposition in Massachusetts.  相似文献   

6.
“Geographic polarization”, the spatial concentration of “like” voting behavior, is a phenomenon closely related to “partisan polarization”, the intensification of diametrically ideological positions, is understudied, and is critical to the understanding of current American electoral behavior. To date, few studies have examined geographic polarization, and those that do have done so at the scales of regions, states, and counties. However, local influences operating within areas smaller than counties influence voting behavior and can produce geographic polarization. To address these scalar and methodological shortcomings, this research focuses on the smallest political units, precincts, using a case study of the Greater Cincinnati Metropolitan Area. Presidential election data from 1976 through 2008 were collected by precincts, analyzed using spatial statistics, and mapped to examine evolving geographic polarization over this 32-year period. The results measured at the precinct-scale, suggest an increased concentration of partisan behavior and emphasize a local residential spatial pattern of geographic polarization.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract

Passage of the 26th Amendment gave young adults the right to vote. Along with this privilege, new voters assumed responsibility for conducting themselves as knowledgeable citizens concerning issues, candidates, and the electoral process. This study attempts to further student understanding of the electoral process by presenting a method for analyzing spatial voting patterns. The spatial emphasis adds another dimension to the temporal and behavioral - structural approaches in studying the American electoral system. Inclusion of spatial analysis of voting patterns increases understanding and political socialization of young people.  相似文献   

8.
基于多分类器组合的高分辨率遥感影像目标识别   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
研究多分类器组合的形式及其在目标识别中的应用.设计和实现了基于多分类器组合从高分辨率遥感影像中提取目标的具体方法.以楼房的识别与提取为例,选用QuickBird高分辨率影像,利用投票法、加权求和、完全一致规则及或运算合并等多分类器组合方法进行目标识别,比较了多分类器系统与单一分类器的精度与性能,从理论和实验两方面分析了多分类器组合用于目标识别的精度影响因素,提出了相应的改进策略.实验表明,在采用合理的组合规则下,多分类器组合能使目标识别结果达到高识别率和高置信度.  相似文献   

9.
In a recent paper, Wong outlined the benefits of the IPF procedure, which he claimed had received little attention from geographers. This follow-up paper introduces a large literature, ignored by Wong, which uses that procedure, but within the context of another mathematical model. Its application is illustrated with new analyses of recent voting patterns in Great Britain.  相似文献   

10.
Coloradoapos;s 1992 vote on Amendment Two was the first meaningful, broad-based test of attitudes on gay rights within the United States. Analysis of voting results distinguishes places of tolerance from places of rejection. Social differences separating these places reflect typical contrasts between “traditionalists” and “modernizers” found in cultural conflicts at the national level. Places showing support for gay rights are recreational-based mountain communities, urban areas, and university communities. Those showing opposition are rural, agriculturally based communities. Suburban areas produced a more ambivalent vote.  相似文献   

11.
This article examines political regionalism in presidential elections from 1892 to 2000 by analyzing the percentage of the popular vote received by Democratic candidates for president using statistical methods and spatial analysis. The results indicate three long‐term and stable political regions in presidential elections and a history of spatially dependent voting. The article then proposes four fluid political regions based on social diversity and recent political behavior and integrates the role of the Electoral College. This provides a framework in which political geography can integrate political regionalism, racial and social diversity, and the electoral vote in studying presidential elections.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

This article examines political regionalism in presidential elections from 1892 to 2000 by analyzing the percentage of the popular vote received by Democratic candidates for president using statistical methods and spatial analysis. The results indicate three long-term and stable political regions in presidential elections and a history of spatially dependent voting. The article then proposes four fluid political regions based on social diversity and recent political behavior and integrates the role of the Electoral College. This provides a framework in which political geography can integrate political regionalism, racial and social diversity, and the electoral vote in studying presidential elections.  相似文献   

13.
Phil Dunham 《Area》1997,29(2):141-150
Summary This paper calls for the incorporation of pre-1872 (and especially early Victorian) elections into the electoral geography research agenda. It argues that early Victorian elections provide a rare opportunity to examine actual voting behaviour at the individual level and also constitute a valid focus of enquiry in their own right. The paper concludes by discussing some of the principal methodological implications of an historical electoral geography.  相似文献   

14.
County-level policies and programs to conserve farmland in California are examined through discriminant analysis. Based on 1981 state planning data, four degrees of farmland protection effort are established. A two-function discriminant analysis using 17 agricultural, socioeconomic, and political-ideological variables correctly predicts the fourfold classification of 88 percent of the counties. The propensity to enact protective actions is associated with the intensity of agricultural development, local government spending and taxing practices, demographic characteristics, ideological and political party voting traditions.  相似文献   

15.
Since 1988, three separate anti-gay rights referenda have been placed on the ballot in the state of Oregon. While in 1988 Oregon voters passed the first measure (subsequently found unconstitutional), they rejected similar referenda in 1992 and 1994. This paper examines the electoral geography of these three referenda both cartographically and quantitatively. It finds patterns of support for the referenda were closely associated with voting patterns for the Republican Party in gubernatorial and presidential elections, and with sociodemographic indicators reflective of traditionalist areas.  相似文献   

16.

Since 1988, three separate anti-gay rights referenda have been placed on the ballot in the state of Oregon. While in 1988 Oregon voters passed the first measure (subsequently found unconstitutional), they rejected similar referenda in 1992 and 1994. This paper examines the electoral geography of these three referenda both cartographically and quantitatively. It finds patterns of support for the referenda were closely associated with voting patterns for the Republican Party in gubernatorial and presidential elections, and with sociodemographic indicators reflective of traditionalist areas.  相似文献   

17.
This article presents an analysis of representational equity within the Boston Region Metropolitan Planning Organization (MPO). MPOs are regional transportation organizations that exert significant influence over state transportation planning and the allocation of funding. The analysis shows that under almost any voting or membership configuration, population representation is correlated with racial and ethnic composition. This outcome is not just a function of the system of representation but also the geography of residential segregation. The results of this analysis highlight the problem of creating systems of equitable representation within the context of preexisting and persistent social inequalities.  相似文献   

18.
Summary Dissension has become increasingly common within the UK House of Commons in recent decades. In November 1995, the government's position on recommendations regarding the disclosure of MPs' financial interests linked to their Parliamentary position was defeated because 22 of its backbenchers voted for a Labour amendment, which was carried. This paper looks at the pattern of voting on that issue, with particular reference to the constituency situation of MPs at a difficult time for many of them, just after a major review of boundaries had been promulgated. It shows that those backbenchers with unchanged seats were much more likely to dissent.  相似文献   

19.
Urban model retrieval has wide applications in the geoscience field, and it is also a very challenging research topic due to the blur and background clutter in query images and the large spatial inconsistencies between query and database images. In this study, a feature extraction and similarity metric-learning framework for urban model retrieval is proposed. In the method, the selective search voting algorithm is presented to automatically localize and segment a query object from an input image with the help of the top-ranked retrieved database images. Then, the local features of object images are extracted via sparse coding, and the global features are learned using the spatial constrained convolutional neural network. We utilize a new similarity metric to match the database images with a query object image. Finally, similar 3D models are retrieved. Both qualitative and quantitative experimental results indicate that the proposed framework can localize and segment a query object from an input image precisely and that the retrieval results are better than those of other related approaches.  相似文献   

20.
Although the Republican Party has been competitive in presidential elections in the South for nearly three decades, it has only recently become a force in southern state and local elections. In Alabama, the GOP has dominated presidential voting since 1964, but has only become competitive during the past decade in gubernatorial elections. Why did the GOP first experience success in Alabama in presidential elections 30 years ago, but only recently become competitive in gubernatorial elections? This paper addresses this question using a county-level analysis of both presidential and gubernatorial election returns. It concludes that George Wallace's long political career is the dominant reason for the lag in GOP success in gubernatorial elections.  相似文献   

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