共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Prof. Dr. Dirk Anthony Ballendorf 《GeoJournal》1988,16(2):137-142
The former United Nations Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) which has been administered by the United States since
the end of World War II, has divided itself up into four separate political entities: (1) the Federated States of Micronesia,
(2) the Republic of Belau, (3) the Marshall Islands Republic, and (4) the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. The
first three of these aforementioned entities are freely-associated states with the United States. This is a new form of political
arrangement for these areas and it is also new for the United States. All of these areas have a colonial history of domination
by Spain, Germany, Japan, and the US, and these colonial powers have all left legacies which the new states have to deal with.
There are also a number of natural environmental factors — such as vast distance and the limited store of natural resources
- which are constraints that the new states have to face and overcome with the help of the former colonial powers and the
rest of the world. Whether or not these new states can be successful in their continued economic and social development at
a pace rapid enough to bring sufficient foreign capital, depends on their own energy and also on the nature and quality of
the outside assistance. 相似文献
2.
Uma Kothari 《Geoforum》2012,43(4):697-706
This paper examines the compulsory relocation of anti-colonial nationalists from other parts of the empire to Seychelles during British colonial rule. It explores how these colonial policies of forced expulsion that were used to contain anti-colonial political activity unintentionally enabled political exiles to create new trans-imperial networks of resistance. From the late 1800s, the British Colonial Government exiled to Seychelles over 500 anti-colonial leaders and their followers from Egypt, Somaliland, Ethiopia, Gold Coast, Palestine and other colonies; the last political exile was Greek Cypriot leader Archbishop Makarios who arrived in Seychelles in 1956. Based on archival and empirical research this paper examines their experiences of exile and how, despite feelings of loss and isolation, they continued to challenge colonial authority by mobilising new forms of contestation. Through a colonial geographical imaginary, Seychelles was constructed as distant, remote and isolated, a place where political agitators could be safely confined and prevented from infecting others with their anti-colonial sentiments. Instead, however, these movements brought colonised people together from across the empire and created spatially extended networks of ideas that became significant in connecting these ‘remote’ islands to other places. Exiles disrupted the authority of the British Colonial Government through mundane and small acts of resistance in which they made constant, almost daily, demands for their right to return home and better living conditions. This study, on a much under-researched form of imperial mobility and confinement, contributes to debates on colonialism, space and resistance by identifying networks produced by colonised people and, through an exploration of translocal subaltern agency and resistance, confounds place-bound notions of politics. 相似文献
3.
《Geoforum》2013
This article explores the relationship between science and the extension of colonial power through an examination of the rise of the Northern Rhodesian (later, Zambian) Copperbelt in the 1930s. The rise of the Copperbelt rested in part on scientific prospecting operations perhaps unparalleled in size and scope in the world at the time. These operations brought new ‘scientific’ prospecting techniques to the area which enabled the Northern Rhodesian subsurface to be ‘seen’ in new ways. The seemingly universal and fixed knowledge scientists produced served both political and commercial aims, animating the ‘civilising’ project of imperial power and transforming a newly acquired territory into a profitable annex to empire. Two prospecting operations are explored in detail: (1) the first large concession floated as the Rhodesian Congo Border Concession and (2) the first attempt to use geological science to generate a complete geological map of mineral resources on the Copperbelt in the Nkana Concession. Examining the efforts of these two prospecting operations reveals the methodological, theoretical and epistemological challenges of producing a viable mineral investment and practicing science in the periphery. Finally, the disconnects between the logics and goals of science and those of colonial extraction in Africa are explored. Here it is argued that it was the very malleability of the knowledge produced by European scientists, rather than its abstract fixity or placeless universality, that enabled it to become part of wider political and economic flows. 相似文献
4.
David Mook 《Estuaries and Coasts》1983,6(4):372-379
The response of some common fouling organisms to increased predation by scraping and decreased predation by caging is described. Substrate coverage by many colonial forms such as Perophora viridis and Diplosoma macdonaldi was not affected by changes in predation intensity whereas coverage by many solitary forms such as Spirorbis sp. and Styela plicata increased when predation was reduced. These differences in responses of colonial and solitary species may be because solitary species reproduce sexually and resettle newly opened space whereas colonial species can rapidly expand adjacent colonies into newly cleared space. 相似文献
5.
The relocation of Nigeria's Federal Capital: A device for greater territorial integration and national unity 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Dr. J.C. Nwafor 《GeoJournal》1980,4(4):359-366
As an important feature in the political geography of a country, the location of the capital of a state is of great significance especially as any geographical forces which have affected the political history of a country reach their most intensive expression in the choice of site for the development of the capital city. The decision to relocate it is usually an exceedingly tough one to make and difficult to follow up. In the post-colonial era, Nigeria like many newly independent African States inherited a capital which is central in respect of international trade but eccentric in relation to the country's administrative and cultural hinterlands. Lagos is a typical example. Although the city continues to function as the federal capital, a new site has been selected for its relocation prompted by administrative and political considerations, physical limitations, and the numerous problems resulting from excessive concentration of the nation's resource there. It is hoped that the new site in the country's geometric centre will bring a long-dormant region into effective settlement by spurring a central migration that will open new agricultural frontiers, create a more equitable distribution of population and above all foster the growth of a core region in and around which the state idea could develop. 相似文献
6.
Hance D. Smith 《GeoJournal》1992,26(4):483-487
The basic patterns of economic and political development of the British Isles region in a European context is outlined for
the half century following Columbus’ discovery of America, noting the separate identities of England, Wales, Scotland and
Ireland. The maritime dimension of these developments was based on trade with Europe, developed mainly in England and Scotland;
and upon considerable development of the fisheries. Exploration and colonial expansion did not begin until after 1550 and
continued into the seventeenth century. The historical role of the British Isles in Europe is considered as a sequence of
approximately half-century phases extending from 1500 until the present, in which British maritime supremacy played a role
in the nineteenth century similar to that played by the Spanish Empire in the sixteenth century. 相似文献
7.
U. I. Küpper Dr. 《GeoJournal》1984,9(4):407-419
In the Federal Republic of Germany, the political system as well as the spatial pattern of land use and resource allocation is much more decentralised than it is, for instance, in Britain or France. For internal policies, the main responsibilities lie with the Länder (states) and the communities whose independence to decide upon all matters of local importance is guaranteed in Art. 28 of the constitution. The communities raise taxes, administer and plan a broad range of municipal activities, and their main limitations are their dependence upon the regional planning framework, the mixed financing of Länder and communities for much of the public investment, and state supervision of their administration in general.Cologne (980.000 inhabitants) is the largest city in North Rhine Westphalia (NRW), which is the most densely populated state in FR Germany. For the NRW cities, a decisive step of political and administrative decentralisation was introduced in 1975 by a bill which made the establishment of district councils and district offices compulsary for all larger cities. 相似文献
8.
Marginalisation and revolt among the Tuareg in Mali and Niger 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Thomas Krings 《GeoJournal》1995,36(1):57-63
The article is dealing with the origins, causes and forms of the ongoing Tuareg revolt in Mali and Niger which since 1990 has developed to a new serious trouble spot in two of the least developed countries in the Sahelian zone. Four crises seem to be the decisive factors for the marginalisation and deprivation of the Tuareg:1. The disturbance of their pastoral lifestyle and the loss of access to livelihood resources due to state intervention and development projects. 2. The negation of the existence of the Tuareg ethnic community as a whole by the black African political leaders. 3. The increasing refugee migrations from Mali and Niger to neighbouring countries. 4. The exclusion of the Tuareg from political participation in the postcolonial state.The differences between the conflict in Mali and Niger are discussed within its country specific political geographical background. It is evident that peace is only possible if substantial participation of the Tuareg in the political, administrative and judiciary institutions is guaranteed. In the field of development policy a fundamental change is necessary from mainly farmers-oriented development approaches to concepts which respect pastoral needs and nomadic land use rights. 相似文献
9.
Ian G. Baird 《Geoforum》2010,41(2):271-281
On December 6, 1904 the present international border between Laos and Cambodia was unilaterally established when the French colonial government extracted Stung Treng Province from Laos and transferred it to Cambodia. The ethnic Brao people living in the border region were not well known to the French, and in any case, their views were not deemed important. But since then the Brao have utilised this state administrative boundary in ways not intended by its designers, or governments since then, to give them more power to create new spaces. When conditions in Cambodia have been deemed unfavourable, the Brao have often crossed into Laos, and similarly, when circumstances have been less advantageous in Laos they have moved to Cambodia.This paper traces the history of the Brao as it specifically relates to the international border between Laos and Cambodia. While this administrative boundary was created to help national governments keep populations confined within nation-states, Brao human agency has sometimes confounded these efforts, through transforming its significance and role. The boundary has separated Brao populations in ways that are sometimes upsetting to them, but it has also allowed the Brao to position themselves at the margins of different nation-states, in spaces where they have been able to, at least temporarily, avoid or reduce state control over them. These are not non-state spaces; they are fundamentally constituted by a state-established boundary, even if the Brao have been able to mobilise this resource to empower themselves, and sometimes to resist the state itself. 相似文献
10.
《Geoforum》2015
The world has recently been witness to the emergence of a new contemporary geopolitical phenomenon: the declaration of Islamic States by specific Islamic organizations. This phenomenon has the potential to dramatically transform the geopolitical setting of the Middle East and to have farreaching effects on a global level. Of these most prominent, however, has undoubtedly been the June 2014 declaration by the “Islamic State” organization of a “caliphate” covering large areas of the two war-torn states of Syria and Iraq. The aim of this article is to interrogate the territorial aspects of the Islamic State and to discern what makes it unique and exceptional in comparison to the many other Islamic political organizations that have emerged in recent years. In order to facilitate a better understanding of territoriality, I distinguish here between two major dimensions: conceptions of territoriality and tactics of territoriality. My working assumption is that by distinguishing between conceptions and tactics of territoriality, we can compare the exercise of territoriality by states and, in the present case, organizations. In this article, I argue that the Islamic State poses a challenge to both the conceptual and tactical dimensions of the contemporary territory and territoriality of modern states. Yet, while its conception of territoriality may be widely shared by other political Islamic organizations, its uniqueness lies in its tactics and strategies. Indeed, it is the brutal tactics of the Islamic State that are less acceptable to many Muslims around the world, not its political conception, which enjoys considerable support in the Muslim arena. Yet, when comparing it with modern states, the Islamic State poses a challenge to the territory and territoriality in both conception and tactics. 相似文献
11.
J.M.Lusugga Kironde 《Geoforum》1993,24(4)
When, in 1973, Tanzania decided to shift its capital city from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma, it was envisaged that the move would take 10 years, and that the cost could be justified when set against a long-term perspective. A powerful agency was created to implement an idealised capital city masterplan, which would reflect the new status of Dodoma, and to which government machinery could move. The decision was presented as a national one, although in fact it was that of the ruling party. The requisite resources, however, could not be mustered; implementation was concentrated on service infrastructure rather than on the crucial housing and office accommodation; and, as national economic problems became acute, government officials became indifferent to moving to Dodoma. Worse still, Dodoma lacked the concerted backing of key national political leaders, so that deadlines to move to Dodoma have come and gone without anybody taking sanctions. Despite the expenditure of more than Tshs. 4.9bn, there is still little infrastructure that can accommodate the government set up even in part. The idea of shifting Tanzania's capital has a history going back to the colonial days, but experience with Dodoma has shown that the process is a hazardous one, particularly when seen against the backdrop of economic difficulties, and indifferent and unwilling government officials. The new multiparty political climate in the country can only mean a reappraisal of the new capital project, which is likely to be accorded little priority, if it is not scrapped altogether. 相似文献
12.
The failure of experiments with both neighborhood government and regional government has led to attempts to weld these two administrative formats. The result is the federated local authority. The urban planning function in London, England, is utilized as an example to show the failure of the federated authority concept due to its dependence on a metropolitan spirit among its citizens and on a strict division in decision-making between area and local concerns. Neither is attainable so the experiment fails at least in regard to citizen expectations concerning involvement. The proposed solution involves a weaker role for the borough or neighborhood units in the federation and an effort to support and encourage citizen involvement in decision-making via the political process. Disparities in political resources are rectified by recourse to watchdog groups to balance the growing power of technocratic planners. 相似文献
13.
A.J. Christopher 《Geoforum》2004,35(2):145-156
South Africa is a multi-lingual country with 11 official languages and a recent history where language was frequently used as a political instrument, notably in the urban areas. Although the cities were initially colonial foundations, as a consequence of rural-urban migration, the speakers of the various national languages have come into close contact with one another. However, as a result of the inheritance of apartheid town planning and its emphasis on racial zoning, residential segregation levels between some linguistic groups have been extremely high. An analysis of the 1996 census results reveals that the uniformly high segregation levels between the speakers of indigenous African languages and the speakers of Afrikaans and English are the direct outcome of apartheid era town planning. Nevertheless, segregation between the speakers of different African languages may also on occasion be relatively high where homeland political policies were pursued, although this was the exception rather than the rule. Similarly segregation between English and Afrikaans speakers was locally high where home language coincided with former racial classification. Few immediate significant changes are anticipated in the present patterns of linguistic segregation, as the inherited apartheid city structure is proving to be remarkably resistant to transformation. 相似文献
14.
Kristina Monroe Bishop 《GeoJournal》2012,77(4):571-581
Before 2000 limited media coverage of medicine in South Africa existed, yet much of what did exist centered primarily on traditional healing practices. It was not until the introduction of HIV/AIDS that traditional medicine was seen as having some potential value to the population, but only so far as the ability of traditional healers to direct patients to biomedical treatment. This article examines how the contemporary western media portrays medicine in South Africa and how the introduction of HIV/AIDS as a major news story has shifted the depiction of western and traditional medical treatment. Insights from these questions are examined in light of the colonial context of South Africa’s political struggle over medicine. 相似文献
15.
Michiel Wagenaar 《GeoJournal》2000,51(1-2):3-13
From the 1850s onward, the quest for an impressive capital city was answered by Haussmann's transformation of central Paris. His interventions combined the cutting of new arteries, slum clearance and embellishment.His approach had a great visual impact on foreign visitors. The Prefect made use of the proven instruments of axiality and proportion to create an awe-inspiring townscape. One of the highlights was the new Opera. Its surroundings were razed to place it in a proper perspective.The townscape of Paris soon found its emulators in Brussels, Budapest and Rome, which copied Haussmann's strategy. London and Amsterdam were tempted to follow. But most plans for new boulevards and slum clearance failed. In both cities, central areas fell prey to commercial land use, pockmarked with slums. Civic pride did provide the ingredients deemed necessary for a capital. But these lacked the scenography to place them in a proper perspective.Such a scenography required political, financial and legal tools to intervene in the built environment that were available in nations with a centralist and authoritarian political system. They were absent in liberal laissez-faire and decentralist nations such as Great Britain and The Netherlands.The lack of powerful intervention in central London and Amsterdam caused a flight to the city's fringes, where estate owners occasionally realised suburban design gems. In their colonies, however, both nations succeeded in creating impressive new capitals.
La beauté d'un monument public doit être une émanation éclatante et directe du génie vivant de tous, une profession de foi esthétique de la race. Aussi l'architecte n'est-il, par moments, que la trompette sonore dans laquelle passe le souffle puissant d'une nation; il résonne alors des vibrations qui sortent des poumons de tout un peuple César DALY, L' architecture privée au XIXe siècle (sous Napoléon III). Nouvelles maisons de Paris et ses Environs. Paris, 1864–1872. Pp. 11–12. 相似文献
16.
In South Africa attempts are being made to address the socio-spatial distortions of the apartheid era through a more equitable
distribution of resources, and the re-drawing of municipal geographical boundaries. However, boundaries are not neutral geographic
lines. Boundary changes are often associated with a redistribution of political power and resources. The aim of this paper
is to analyse the effects of the contemporary territorial and administrative restructuring on urban dynamics in South Africa.
More specifically, the focus is on how the process of territorial restructuring impacted on metropolitan areas as well as
on secondary cities and their hinterlands. Examining and elucidating the manner in which various social, economic and political
forces have manifested themselves in the process of boundary delimitation in a major metropolitan centre as well as adjacent
rural areas is a central theme of this paper. There were considerable contestations over the delimitation of new local government
boundaries. Affluent metro authorities like that in Durban were opposed to the spatial extension of their boundaries because
of the costs of the providing services and infrastructure in the deprived margins. Similarly, there was concern that incorporation
of rural areas will result in increased municipal service charges being imposed on these communities. Tensions were heightened
between urban and rural regions because traditional leaders believed that their territorial jurisdiction and authority were
being undermined. In other parts of the country, the merger of traditionally white and black fragments of secondary cities
often resulted in many black locations continuing to be marginalized. There appears to be neither the political will nor the
economic capacity to upgrade these zones of marginalized urban communities. While the Municipal Demarcation Board was largely
successful in eliminating the political geography of apartheid at a macro- scale, this paper suggests that the greater challenge
for government and policy makers is to reduce the socio-spatial and economic inequalities which appears to be still very high
and perhaps increasing.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
17.
中国地质灾害严重,地质灾害承灾载体的脆弱性直接决定着灾害造成损失的严重程度,开展脆弱性定量评价方法研究具有重要意义。（1）本文构建了地质灾害承灾载体脆弱性评价指标体系,包括4个一级指标和19个二级指标。一级指标包括生命类、物质类、生态环境类和社会经济类指标。（2）以青川县为例,分别采用TOPSIS模型和加权求和模型,分别以乡镇单元和行政村单元为最小单元,开展了地质灾害承灾载体脆弱性评价,将青川县承灾载体脆弱性分为高、较高、中等、较低和低5个脆弱性等级。（3）两种模型评价结果对比显示,总体一致性较好,73%的区域脆弱性结果完全一致,27%的区域存在一个等级的差别;高、低脆弱性等级区两种模型结果一致,吻合度100%;较高和中等脆弱性等级区两种模型结果吻合度分别为86%和73%;较低脆弱性区两种模型结果吻合度略差,为54%。（4）两种单元评价结果对比显示,在总体规律上保持了较好的一致性。半数以上的乡镇单元与行政村单元脆弱性等级完全相同或总体一致;以行政村为评价单元的评价结果明显更加精细,原因在于不同行政村的各类指标值具有明显的差异性,而乡镇单元消除了各个行政村之间的差异。 相似文献
18.
Ioan Ianos 《GeoJournal》1993,29(1):49-56
Urban and industrial hierarchies can be constructed as synthetic indicators of urbanisation and industrialisation at a particular moment in time. The beginning of 1990 is a significant time to undertake this exercise because of the collapse of the communist system and the start of a transition to a market economy. Industrialisation, the key to economic advance in general and to urbanisation in particular, is studied over four decades to bring out the concentration in large units (considered appopriate for economic efficiency) and the locational emphasis on the county (judget) administrative centres identified in 1968 ad the new territorial base for central planning. These centres, with their surrounding villages, experienced a demographic explosion. The paper examines the relations between the urban and industrial hierarchies at all levels with particular emphasis on the type of industry and the administrative functions. 相似文献
19.
Lynn Margulis Betsey Dexter Dyer Grosovsky John F. Stolz Elizabeth J. Gong-Collins Susan Lenk Dorothy Read Alejandro Lpez-Corts 《Precambrian Research》1983,20(2-4)
The live and sedimentary components of the flat laminated microbial mat at Laguna Figueroa have been studied since the late sixties. This paper reports the observation and isolation of a variety of micro-organisms, both prokaryotes and eukaryotes. The microbes were taken from the flat laminated mats submerged under at least one meter of water due to the spring rains of 1979 and 1980. Both in situ and enrichment culture observations were made using light and electron microscopic techniques. New strains of the following microbes are reported here: Bacillus megaterium, Bacillus licheniformis, Arthrobacter simplex and Paratetramitus jugosus. Several pseudomonads were isolated, some of which form distinctive subsurface colonial structures. Regular distinctive colony morphologies and desiccation resistant cysts were often observed, several types of which grow to characteristically large sizes and resemble objects found in the pre-Phanerozoic fossil record.Some colonies of manganese oxidizing bacilli and other bacteria are reminiscent of microfossils of the 2 Ga-old Gunflint Iron formation such as Metallogenium, Eosphaera tyleri, Eoastrion and Huronispora. Some manganese oxidizing bacteria form colonial structures that might be mistaken for individual organisms in the tens to hundreds of microns size range. The diversity of microbial structures, including those with preservation potential, must be kept in mind when interpreting the microfossil record. 相似文献
20.
人文因素与自然因素的耦合是人地关系探讨中的一个热点和难点问题. 基于行政单元获取的人文因素存在着诸多缺陷, 与基于自然单元获取的自然要素的耦合存在着困难. 人文因素空间化是解决二者耦合研究的一种有效途径, 提出从IPAT(IPACT)模型出发识别可空间化的人文因素, 从面插值与统计建模两个方面对空间化方法进行了梳理, 对比分析了各种方法的优缺点及其适用领域, 并提出今后人文因素空间化研究的主要方向. 相似文献