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1.
Gwyn Rowley Dr. 《GeoJournal》1990,21(4):349-362
While the mounting Jewish colonization of the Occupied Territories, especially the Nablus region, is considered against the backcloth of notions on Eretz Yisrael, the Land of Israel, the settlement-development must also be viewed as suburbanization outwards from Israeli metropolitan space and penetration into the essentially peripheral, dominantly rural Palestinian domain of the West Bank. Recent relaxitions in Soviet emigration controls and tighter US immigration policies towards Soviet Jewish emigrants are realizing a quite dramatic increase in the number of Soviet Jews immigrating into both Israel and the Occupied Territories. In turn, this will herald increasing and deeper competitions over land. Various assistance programmes and initiatives for the Jewish settlements within the West Bank are outlined with a consideration of Ariel, The Capital of Samaria, providing a specific case study. The continuing attempts to broaden the economic bases of the colonial settlements are also considered. Problems are set to continue. The contentious nature of the subject is to be emphasized. 相似文献
2.
《Geoforum》2015
Based on an examination of Israel’s territorial conceptions, strategies, and achievements since the establishment of the state, this article shows how state territoriality subsumes ideology and political agendas and may, under certain circumstances, lead the state to negate its very self-conceptions and harm its own perceived interests. Its analysis pays special attention to the state’s inadvertently produced territories of negation, which run counter to its own conception of territoriality, and considers the kind of social–spatial entities produced by the state. It also considers Israeli territoriality’s more recently asserted goal of shaping Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, in addition to the goals of controlling Jerusalem and Judaizing the Galilee and the Negev. To illustrate the theoretical assertion that discriminatory and marginalizing state territoriality has the distinct potential to bring about its own negation, the article concludes with two prominent expressions of this phenomenon. The first is manifested in green-line Israel, where the state’s territorial policies and the resulting marginalization of the Palestinian minority has resulted in collective resistance against the state and its policies, basic Jewish-Israeli symbols such as the anthem and the flag, and Israel’s very definition as a Jewish State. The second is manifested in Israel’s inadvertent creation of bi-national spaces both within Israel proper and in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, indirectly promoting the solution of a single bi-national state and posing a serious challenge to the very goals that Israeli territoriality has consistently strived to achieve. 相似文献
3.
G. Falah 《GeoJournal》1995,37(1):145-160
The purpose of this paper is to examine the future geopolitics of the Middle East against the backdrop of the Gulf War crisis and its aftermath. Special attention was given to the case of Palestinians and their search for peaceful solution to their territorial conflict with Israel. It is suggested that in an era of a new world order most Middle Eastern governments will give priority to their domestic problems, gearing toward power sharing at home and evolving a certain degree of liberalizations as an attempt to be accommodated within a worldwide sphere of social, economic and political reconciliation. Having overcome the post-Gulf political isolation, the Palestinians are now in a better position to make their claim for self-determination recognized. Ultimately, the fulfilment of such claim is desirable for achieving lasting peace and regional stability. This paper also proposes concrete suggestions for future Palestinian territorial behaviour addressed mainly to the Palestinian government to be considered while they are engaging in peaceful negotiations with Israel. 相似文献
4.
《Geoforum》2017
Mobilities in settler states have become a defining feature of indigenous spatiality. This is mainly due to the structural disadvantage of indigenous communities in relation to urban locations. In Israel, Palestinian citizens are relocating to Jewish cities because of systemic discrimination, primarily in the allocation of land and housing construction permits in Arab locales. Yet, as this paper shows, their movement is neither unidirectional nor an one-time event, but ongoing and circular. Able to enjoy only certain economic and social rights in indigenous spaces and other rights in settler spaces, Palestinian citizens continuously commute between the two. Utilizing a human rights based approach, the paper unpacks Palestinian mobility practices to illuminate a lacuna in the literature, which has overlooked the quest for rights as a driving force of indigenous mobilities. The paper further demonstrates that circular mobilities become a generative act that connects the settler city to neighboring localities in a way that undermines the separation between ‘Jewish’ and ‘Palestinian’ spaces, and collapses the distinction between the ‘urban’ and ‘regional.’ Rather than attempting to integrate within the city, Palestinians incorporate the city within their own ethno-regional topography, thereby asserting their presence and a claim to the city-space itself. 相似文献
5.
Dr. Gwyn Rowley 《GeoJournal》1989,18(4):351-359
This paper considers the centralizing and unifying tendencies of Islamic space paying particular and direct attention to the nature and reality of the pilgrimage to Mecca, theHajj. For the human geographer both theHajj and the other pillars-foundations of Islamic belief provide a constancy and spatially reinforcing dynamic to facilitate at least a partial comprehension of the properties of a specific and large cultural region; the community of Islam. It is to be stressed that any singular concern with theHajj that fails to see it as a part or rite within a wider functioning Islam will do a disservice both to the pilgrimage itself and present an unacceptable view of Islam. The recent growth of theHajj is considered as part of the continuity and indeed mounting ebullience and vitality of Islam. Continuing population growths and developments in transport technologies that present increasing opportunities to a widening number of Muslims are outlined and the various transport modes utilized byHajjees are considered. 相似文献
6.
A. M. MacDonald B. É. Ó Dochartaigh R. C. Calow Y. Shalabi K. Selah S. Merrett 《Hydrogeology Journal》2009,17(7):1579-1587
The costs of developing groundwater in the Western Aquifer Basin vary considerably across the West Bank and Israel. One of the main reasons for this variability is the diverse hydrogeological conditions within the aquifer. Using data from recent hydrogeological investigations, an estimate of the variation of both the drilling and pumping costs was calculated and then mapped across the Upper and Lower Aquifers within the Western Aquifer Basin. These groundwater cost maps proved helpful in analyzing the impacts of hydrogeology on water supply, and also in communicating complex hydrogeological information to a broader audience. The maps clearly demonstrate that the most cost-effective area to develop groundwater is along the Green Line—the 1949 armistice boundary between Israel and the Palestinian West Bank. Any migration of this boundary eastwards will affect the cost and feasibility of developing groundwater within Palestine, making abstraction from the Upper Aquifer impracticable, and increasing the cost of developing the Lower Aquifer. Therefore, the separation wall, which is being constructed to the east of the Armistice Line in Palestinian territory, will significantly reduce the ability of the Palestinians to develop groundwater resources. 相似文献
7.
Ahmed Said Dahlan Dr. 《GeoJournal》1990,21(4):385-395
This case study examines Israeli resettlement policy and housing demolition measures practiced in the Gaza Strip. Since the Gaza Strip is distinguished by a huge concentration of dispossessed Palestinian refugees maintained in large camps, the Israeli authorities, from the early stage of the 1967 occupation of the area, have devoted major effort to breaking up the camps and relocating their inhabitants elsewhere. The Israeli authorities have applied a clear policy of systematic destruction of refugee shelters and initiation of resettlement schemes, aimed in the short run at making the refugee camps less congested, while in the long run, the policy appears designed to remove these camps from the landscape entirely, since they remain a constant reminder of Palestinian uprootedness and exile. To date, the Israeli strategy of demolishing the entire refugee camp network has failed to achieve its final objective. 相似文献
8.
In the course of the last 50 years, the landscape in Israel has undergone major changes, due to accelerated urbanization following population growth. These processes had increased the pressure on the open land, especially in areas of urban expansion. Recognizing that Governments and local Municipalities had failed to stop the consequent loss of public open spaces, not only in Israel but worldwide, had lead recently many communities to adopt new solutions in the form of private open spaces. In this article we present a “step ahead of time”: a case of privately owned land, set aside as public green area during the 1920s in a neighborhood called “Ahuza Herbert Samuel” (Herbert Samuel, the first High Commissioner of Palestine under the British Mandate), located in the City of Haifa, in Northern Israel. The roots of this unique phenomenon during the 1920s could be linked to several sources of influence: Colonial town planning concepts, the emergence of garden cities and garden suburbs and most importantly to concepts brought in by the leaders of the immigrant community coming from Rumania. Photogrammetric and GIS analysis of this phenomenon had revealed that it had prevailed throughout 75 years of constant and massive increase in the demand for built-up areas in Israel in general and in Ahuza neighborhood in particular. The success in preserving these open areas gains current relevance in view of recent trends in the Western world of allocating privately owned green areas for public use. 相似文献
9.
《Geoforum》2017
As fewer refugees move into formal camps, what kinds of non-camp spaces are emerging and how does that challenge the ways in which we understand the management and politics of refuge? This paper seeks to shed light on this question through an analysis of informal settlements in Lebanon. The Syrian crisis has displaced millions of people, most of whom have moved into neighbouring countries such as Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey. The Lebanese government, faced with a longer history of Palestinian camps and their militarization has refused to allow the establishment of official refugee camps for Syrians. As a result of this ‘no camp’ policy, Syrians are forced to either live in private rented accommodation in towns and cities throughout the country, or in informal settlements (ISes) built on private, often agricultural land. These informal settlements are built and developed through a complex assemblage of humanitarianism, hospitality, security, economic and political considerations. In this paper, I look at the physical and social spaces of informal settlements in the Bekaa Valley, Eastern Lebanon, examining how differential access to aid, support, security and tacit recognition by the state has led to variations amongst them. In doing so, I expose how an informalized response to the crisis through a system of deregulation is enabling refugee spaces to emerge that are visible, yet unrecognized, flexible, yet precarious. These spaces destabilize the city/camp dichotomy by drawing together elements of both. In engaging with debates on informality, the paper contributes to a growing critical literature on refugee geographies and seeks to expand beyond the reductive narratives of refugee camps, thereby offering insights into refugee futures in increasingly uncertain times. 相似文献
10.
What does it mean to conduct community-based and praxis-oriented research at a time when those whose lives you study and with whom you work are the subjects of increasing levels of xenophobia, marginalization, and demonization? How does one conceive of research ethics, of the relationship between the roles of scholars, teachers, and citizens in light of such dynamics? In what ways can scholarship help to intervene in the world around us, in particular to improve the perception and amplify the voices of marginalized groups and individuals? This paper considers these issues in the context of research ethics and the growing field of community geography. I draw in particular on an example from a multi-year study of refugee resettlement in non-traditional destinations across the US. When the study began, refugee policies and settlement patterns were little known to the general public in the US. Since then, refugees and migration more broadly have become increasingly prominent and controversial worldwide. In this paper I explore some of the challenges regarding collaborations between university researchers and community partners, highlighting the tensions exposed through the use of the visualization technique known as Photovoice, meant to provide alternative perspectives on ideas for urban change amongst participants. I also consider some ideas for steps to address these challenges, including the building of networks and training for researchers and formalized partnership processes for community groups.
相似文献11.
This paper seeks to explore the complex relationships between land cover, environmental change and forced migration in the middle valley of the Senegal River, attempting both to identify the nature of environmental impacts of forced displacement with specific reference to land cover, and to examine the social, political and economic circumstances in which these are exacerbated or reduced. The study concludes that change in land cover caused by the presence of refugees is not a major cause for concern in this area, despite the vulnerability of the natural environment. Significant factors in reducing negative impacts include the dispersal of the refugee population, and cultural and social proximity of the refugee and local populations surveyed. At the same time, observed changes in land cover need to be treated with caution, given the often cyclical nature of environmental change, and the range of factors associated with it. 相似文献
12.
Fawzi Asadi Dr. 《GeoJournal》1990,21(4):375-383
A key objective of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in Palestine has been to render the economy of these regions dependent on the Israeli economy and thus hamper their economic development. Large areas of land have been confiscated or expropriated by the Israeli authorities to establish Jewish settlements. Other severe measures imposed include control of irrigation water and obstacles for the Arab agricultural and industrial sector in the Occupied Territories aimed at preventing Arab competition with Israeli products.Palestinian agriculturalists have met this challenge and have worked to achieve higher production levels in agriculture. Nonetheless, economic development there was blocked, and many agriculturalists sought employment inside Israel. The Intifada since December 1987 has aimed at encouraging Arab economic independence and intensification of efforts to meet national requirements of greater self-sufficiency in subsistence crops and stimulation of agriculture-related industries. The Intifada is thus functioning as a stimulus to development and economic viability. 相似文献
13.
Allen White 《Geoforum》2002,33(1):73-83
The growth in the global population of refugees over the last 20 years has been paralleled by the development and growth of refugee studies as a recognised discipline. However refugees do not comprise a naturally self-delimiting domain of scientific knowledge and have been constituted by refugee studies through discourses that emphasise humanitarian, apolitical and organic functionalist discourses that root refugee identities in particular places. This paper argues that the presently inadequate constitution of refugee identities in refugee studies has been compounded by geographic representations of regional refugee emergencies, stable conceptions of refugees and asylum seekers and dated and unproblematic understandings of space as inactive and not constitutive of social life. Using data collected in interviews held between 1995 and 1998 with representatives from refugee and asylum institutions and organisations this paper illustrates how discourses and funding policies that unproblematically assume community groups represent refugees asylum seekers ignore transnational differences and tensions that can exist in marginalised communities. However it should be pointed out that the discourses about place, nationality and identity and `natural' communities can also be used by the powerless to resist their marginalised and excluded positions. 相似文献
14.
Palestinian suicide terrorism has been a key feature in the latest phase of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. During the past decade, and particularly since September 2000, there has been a substantial increase in the use of this type of warfare. Recent studies suggest that, contrary to common belief, suicide terrorism is highly rational and driven by strategic considerations. This article explores the rationality of Palestinian suicide terrorism from a geographical perspective. It is argued that suicide terrorism works along two parallel paths: rationality and randomness. It complies with geographical fundamentals, and target selection is highly rational, subject to spatial considerations such as distance, agglomeration, and accessibility. As the permeability to Israel became more difficult, suicide bombers and their organizers had to adopt more flexible practices which emphasized other spatial considerations. Timing is of importance both for strategic and tactical reasoning. Obstructing negotiations and peace talks has been a salient objective, but the exact timing of suicide bombings has been influenced by tactical considerations, which aim at maximizing casualties. 相似文献
15.
Yehuda Gradus 《GeoJournal》2001,54(1):85-99
Unlike other bi-national cities, Eilat and Aqaba constitute a special case in which the interaction between the two cities
is dependent upon external factors, mainly of a political nature. Eilat in Israel and Aqaba in Jordan straddle each side of
the Gulf of Aqaba. Both are similar from a functional aspect: they are port and tourism towns and both constitute a gateway
to east Africa and the Far East. They are both situated in a desert region near a sea. The Oslo Accords and subsequently the
peace agreement between Jordan and Israel, have opened up many possibilities for cooperation and joint development activity.
A number of projects have been put forward, including a joint airport aimed at serving both cities, as well as the shared
use of the seaports. Tour packages from Europe to both cities are another feature that holds a substantial economic potential,
as do connecting roads and joint plans for the preservation of the unique landscape in this region. A border-crossing point
between the two countries has been opened up and tens of thousands of tourists have flocked (mostly from Israel) to visit
nearby Petra and Wadi Ram. Laborers from Jordan have begun to be seen in Eilat, working mostly in construction. The long history
of the Arab-Israeli conflict is still casting a heavy shadow on the great possibilities for cooperation. The signing of a
peace treaty is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for the bringing about of cooperation in the field. The enmity
and the military activity between Israel and the Palestinians, especially during recent months since the outbreak the intifada
for the second time, have resulted in a drastic decline in cooperation that started initially at a slow and hesitant pace
following the signing of the peace treaty with Jordan (1994). The fact that about 60% of the Jordanian population is of Palestinian
origin, causes the Jordanian government to maintain a cautious stance in promoting cooperation with Israel. Thus, the development
of Eilat and Aqaba as a bi-national city is, to a great extent, dependent on the advancement of the peace process between
Israel and all its Arab neighbors, and especially on the outcome of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
16.
J.D. Unruh 《GeoJournal》1998,46(2):89-99
For largely agricultural societies in subSaharan Africa, land and attachments to land play a fundamental role in the identity
of individuals and groups. Forced dislocation from land and ‘home areas’ during war, and subsequent attempts at reintegration
following an end to armed conflict is therefore an important influence in identity change. With data gathered in postwar Mozambique,
this article considers the ways that the land tenure dynamic following armed conflict influences identity change within the
recovering customary agricultural population. Following a review of the relationship between land tenure and identity, the
paper provides a brief background of the situation in Mozambique and then, using quantitative data from a social survey, case
study reports, and literature sources, looks at the land tenure influences on attempts at rural reintegration and the subsequent
impacts on identity. These influences include: smallholder-largeholder interaction over land resources, state ownership of
land, postwar development efforts, and the situation of demobilized combatants.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
17.
Vaughan Robinson 《Geoforum》1995,26(4):411-427
Many in Western Europe regard it as being in the grip of a refugee crisis. This paper considers this contention. It describes the main stages in the development of the current refugee crisis and argues that having established the agenda in the 1940s, Western Europe has been able to progressively distance itself from refugee episodes and define them as essentially problems of the Third World. The end of the Cold War and the growth in numbers of spontaneous, rather than quota, refugees have been considerable shocks to the West, which can no longer contain and distance itself from refugee flows. Shock has led Europe to overreact and become myopic in its view of refugee matters. In reality, figures demonstrate that Wetern Europe is not the centre of refugee generation, applications or resettlement. Despite this, governments have taken draconian unilateral and multilateral action to exclude not only Third World asylum seekers but also those from the East. 相似文献
18.
The dramatic proposal to link the Mediterranean Sea to the Dead Sea by a canal or tunnel, for the purpose of power generation, is currently being investigated in Israel. This paper examines the various route alignments which have been advocated and suggests that the two Southern routes present the potentially greatest advantages. These are then discussed at greater detail, and attention directed to outlining the range of possible economic advantages as well as potential ecological impacts. 相似文献
19.
David Crouch 《Geoforum》2003,34(3):395-408
In this paper we explore history and heritage mobilised to do service for marginalized interests. We discuss how resources, such as, place, texts, artefacts and practice are drawn upon to forward particular political interests. Touching on recent work in non-representational theory we suggest that more attention be paid to the micro-politics of doing and link more formal action to that of ‘everyday’ practice. The examples used show how particular actors draw on history and heritage to advance their positions and how their performances reinforce claims based on alternative practices. The examples used illustrate how this involves the notion of ‘reclaiming’ historical action, historical texts and historical place. In particular how this relates to land and specifically in this paper the metaphor, representation and practice of ‘digging’. 相似文献
20.
As a result of the opening of the borders of the former Soviet Union, Israel has been the destination of numerous immigrants.
This article deals with the impact of immigration between 1989 and 1994, upon three towns in the south of Israel, Be'er Sheva,
Ashkelon and Kiriat Gat. These towns correspond to three socio-economic levels of urban area in the southern region. On the
one hand, the immigrants from the former Soviet Union arrive with specific demands, on the other hand the political, economical
and social context in Israel is very unusual. The sucessful integration of immigrants and the constructive development of
the host country depend on the conformity of these demands and proposals. What the government offers in terms of housing,
reception and employment in each of the three towns plays a key role: the town's social and economical heritage influences
the integration of the new population while at the same time the arrival of a new workforce influences the development of
the local area. Every town wants to grow and reinforce its position in the region, but only the large town, Be'er Sheva, is
able to offer a certain diversity and therefore answers more fully the needs and wants of this new population. Government
decisions and policies are not made to oppose the liberal economic system and to suppress the spacial inequalities despite
some measures aiming at a more equal balance. The importance of heritage and the lack of communal development schemes within
regions together ensure the continuation of qualitative inegalities in the south of Israel and even accentuate the problem.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献