Abstract Deliberate land management actions that enhance the uptake of CO2 or reduce its emissions have the potential to remove a significant amount of CO2 from the atmosphere over the next three decades. The quantities involved are large enough to satisfy a substantial portion of the Kyoto Protocol commitments for many countries, but are not large enough to stabilise atmospheric concentrations without also implementing major reductions in fossil fuel emissions. ‘Sinks’ can be deployed relatively rapidly at moderate cost and thus could play a useful bridging role while new energy technologies are developed. There is no difference in climatological effect between CO2 taken up by the land and CO2 reductions due to other causes. There are potential regulatory differences, related to the security with which the CO2 is held and to the accuracy with which it can be measured and verified. A variety of policy approaches are available to address these differences. 相似文献
Linking emissions trading schemes has attracted interest as a means of reducing costs and expanding market size and liquidity. A number of studies have explored the compatibility of schemes, although little attention has been devoted to the implementation of links. Most trading schemes provide for unilateral recognition of certified emission reductions (CERs) and occasionally other units. Restrictions on the types of units and the quantity that can be used are common. Unilateral links can be implemented through adoption of a schedule that lists the units accepted together with limits on, and adjustments to, imported units. Only a bilateral link yields the full benefits of linking trading schemes. No bilateral links have been established yet, but the number of schemes interested in such links is growing. Implementing such a link through a binding agreement affords participants considerable certainty. However, it entails cumbersome adoption procedures as well as legal and procedural constraints. Reciprocal unilateral links, possibly accompanied by an informal agreement, are easier to implement and offer more flexibility. Economic benefits will not differ significantly from a bilateral linking agreement. 相似文献
Climate change mitigation is a wicked problem that cuts horizontally across sectors and vertically across levels of government. To address it effectively, governments around the world, in particular in the EU, have developed several generations of multi-sectoral national mitigation strategies (NMS) since the early 1990s. Although NMS became the main effort to systematically coordinate mitigation policies, few works have studied them comparatively so far. The present article fills this gap by analysing how the EU-15 group of countries operationalized climate protection through NMS. First, we introduce the three roles policy strategies usually aim to fulfil: besides being policy documents they also represent governance processes (supposed to coordinate sectoral implementation), and capacity-building efforts. Empirically, we then explore the rationale, origins and prevalence of NMS. Subsequently, we characterize them as policy documents (with regards to their contents and structures) and as governance processes that address capacity building only implicitly. Based on existing assessments we finally review some performance indications of NMS. We find that in particular second- and third-generation NMS aimed to take their governance function seriously but resembled ‘lacklustre bookkeeping' of emissions, targets and mitigation options. Instead of approximating NMS towards their obviously overcharging governance function, we suggest to recalibrate them towards their communication and capacity-building function in a way that goes beyond bookkeeping.
Policy relevance
The present article shows that NMS fail to effectively govern climate change mitigation across a broad range of sectoral policy domains. Since most European countries have adopted not one but up to three generations of NMS since the 1990s, this finding is highly relevant for them – and for all others aiming to adopt similarly broad strategies. Instead of piling one strategy on top of another irrespective of their implementation, and instead of abolishing mitigation strategies altogether, we recommend recalibrating them towards what they can realistically accomplish: effective communication and capacity building so that NMS can advance from lacklustre bookkeeping to actively promoting a government-wide climate change mitigation vision. The article can help governments to realise that renewing integrated strategies such as NMS without overhauling them comes close to flogging a dead horse. 相似文献
AbstractThe solar backscattered ultraviolet (SBUV/SBUV-2) merged ozone datasets, version 8.6, including column ozone and ozone profiles for the 1979–2012 period are examined for the 35°N–60°N zonal belt in the northern hemisphere mid-latitudes and four sub-regions: central Europe, continental Europe, North America, and East Asia. The residual long-term patterns for total ozone and ozone profiles are extracted by smoothing the time series of differences between the original and the modelled ozone time series. Modelled ozone is obtained using the standard trend model accounting for ozone variability due to changes in stratospheric halogens and various dynamical factors commonly used in previous ozone trend analyses. Since about 2005 spring and summer total ozone in the troposphere and lower stratosphere has decreased in some regions (central and continental Europe, North America, and the 35°N–60°N zonal belt) compared with modelled ozone. The negative departure from modelled ozone in 2010 is approximately 2–3% of the overall 1979–2012 monthly mean level. It seems that this decrease is a result of yet unknown dynamical processes rather than to chemical destruction because the differences have a longitudinal structure, and total ozone in the upper stratosphere still follows changes in stratospheric halogen loading. 相似文献
After the US withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol and the extension of national quotas in the Bonn and Marrakesh agreements, meagre environmental effects and a low price of emission permits are likely to be the outcome of implementation. This paper attempts to analyze this scenario, mainly in relation to the Russian case. I discuss on the basis of certain key assumptions the strategic options open to the supply side of the permit market and Russia’s potentially incompatible interests as a producer of oil and gas on the one hand and a dominating seller of emission permits under the Kyoto Protocol on the other. The analysis shows that Russian oil and gas interests are likely to boost Russia’s inclination to sell permits, ultimately resulting in lower permit prices. 相似文献
We critically review the Kyoto Protocol and thirteen alternative policy architectures for addressing the threat of global climate change. We employ six criteria to evaluate the policy proposals: environmental outcome, dynamic efficiency, cost-effectiveness, equity, flexibility in the presence of new information, and incentives for participation and compliance. The Kyoto Protocol does not fare well on a number of criteria, but none of the alternative proposals fare well along all six dimensions. We identify several major themes among the alternative proposals: Kyoto is “too little, too fast”; developing countries (DCs) should play a more substantial role and receive incentives to participate; implementation should focus on market-based approaches, especially those with price mechanisms; and participation and compliance incentives are inadequately addressed by most proposals. Our investigation reveals tensions among several of the evaluative criteria, such as between environmental outcome and efficiency, and between cost-effectiveness and incentives for participation and compliance. 相似文献
This article discusses possible implications of early Joint Implementation (JI) action. Some projects which would otherwise be non-additional during the first commitment period, can become additional by implementing them before 2008 through early JI. For example, several environmental investments that will be mandatory under the European Union (EU) Acquis Communautaire as of, e.g. 2008 or 2010 could be carried out earlier than that with early JI action. As such, candidate countries could partly finance the accession process through JI credits and their environmental standards would earlier be in line with the Acquis. The theoretical risk that projects would have to follow a slow track if JI parties are not eligible for the fast track is not large for JI hosts that are candidate for EU membership. 相似文献