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11.
Harvey Neo 《Geoforum》2009,40(2):260-268
Rising demand for meat has led to changing modes of production in the livestock industry and prompted varied institutional and regulatory changes. For the most part, the latter are enabling measures not fundamentally aimed at restraining the overall growth of the industry. In other words, specific institutional changes are meant to reduce uncertainty by providing a structure to everyday life although at a broader spatial scale, an institutional approach suggests that (a region’s) social infrastructure can help or hinder economic growth. In tracing recent developments in the Malaysian pig industry, this paper highlights an institutional regime that is stable on the surface but is in actuality prone to destabilization. Specifically, the role of cultural politics in shaping, sustaining and destabilizing institutional behavior and regimes will be examined, using the case study of the Malaccan pig industry. In explicating how institutional regimes and development are stabilized and destabilized, the paper argues that cultural politics might be an intractable stumbling block to the future growth and development of the industry. 相似文献
12.
DAVID DENEMARK 《The Australian geographer》1999,30(2):197-220
This paper examines the spatial implications of social-democratic policy transformation. It does so by exploring the political consequences of residential contextual unemployment engendered by a Labour government which had once been dedicated to maintaining full employment. Faced with economic crisis, as Przeworski's model predicts [Capitalism and social democracy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (1985)], New Zealand Labour, beginning in 1984, abandoned its traditional social-democratic statist policies, including the maintenance of full employment, and allowed unemployment to skyrocket under its stewardship. This meant subjecting its supporters to significant contextual cross-pressures, since many residential neighbourhoods became characterised by both high concentrations of Labour partisans, and by those recently unemployed by Labour's new market-liberal policies. Using original survey data merged with New Zealand census data, empirical findings show that residual partisan loyalties and a lack of a major party alternative constrained respondents' partisan disaffection, while channelling their disillusionment into both minor party voting and systemic, governmental criticisms - likely fuelling New Zealand's drive for electoral reform and a new system of proportional representation. 相似文献
13.
André Francisco Pilon 《Environmental Geology》2009,57(2):337-345
For the diagnosis and prognosis of the problems of quality of life, a multidisciplinary ecosystemic approach encompasses four
dimensions of being-in-the-world, as donors and recipients: intimate, interactive, social and biophysical. Social, cultural
and environmental vulnerabilities are understood and dealt with, in different circumstances of space and time, as the conjugated
effect of all dimensions of being-in-the-world, as they induce the events (deficits and assets), cope with consequences (desired
or undesired) and contribute for change. Instead of fragmented and reduced representations of reality, diagnosis and prognosis
of cultural, educational, environmental and health problems considers the connections (assets) and ruptures (deficits) between
the different dimensions, providing a planning model to develop and evaluate research, teaching programmes, public policies
and field projects. The methodology is participatory, experiential and reflexive; heuristic-hermeneutic processes unveil cultural
and epistemic paradigms that orient subject-object relationships; giving people the opportunity to reflect on their own realities,
engage in new experiences and find new ways to live better in a better world. The proposal is a creative model for thought
and practice, providing many opportunities for discussion, debate and development of holistic projects integrating different
scientific domains (social sciences, psychology, education, philosophy, etc.).
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
| André Francisco PilonEmail: |
14.
Samuel Kinsley 《Geoforum》2011,42(2):231-240
Visions of the future predict spaces apparently teaming with ever more novel and pervasive technologies. Significant amongst such forecasts is the notion of ‘ubiquitous computing’ (ubicomp), understood as an affordance or capacity tied (in)to people, places and things. This article stages an encounter between the futurity of ubicomp and recent debates in geography around anticipation. So, first, the future orientation in ubicomp research and development (R&D) is investigated as a mode of anticipation. ‘Knowledges’, and ‘logics’ of anticipation are subsequently, and second, discussed as the conceptual apparatus that constructs and perpetuates the ‘proximate future’ of ubicomp. This analysis connects recent discussion about ‘anticipation’ in social sciences research with the methods of ubicomp research, which fits with an emergent agenda around futurity in human geography. Third, the conceptual articulation of ‘anticipatory logic’ is applied to the analysis of empirical investigations of ubicomp R&D to identify the specific logics of anticipation at play. This article accordingly examines the logics of anticipation that both support and destabilise the certainty with which the future is imagined within ubicomp. In conclusion, the multiple ways of anticipating a future world and the ways in which they discipline understandings of futurity are framed as a politics of anticipation. 相似文献
15.
Kristin Asdal 《Geoforum》2008,39(1):123-132
In this article I make use of a combination of actor-network-theory, governmentality studies and feminist studies of science to show how nature is done or enacted within politics and administration. In particular I show how it relates to the theories and practices of economics and accounting. I explore the process by which the ‘critical limits’ of nature under the impact of acidification was created as a part of the politics and negotiations about acid rain. I demonstrate that even though the outcome was not ‘Nature’ as such, understood as a form of moral high-ground, the effect of this process was to produce ‘a nature as a whole’, in a process of unification. This I argue can only be understood relationally: ‘Nature’ is taken into account by way of accounting. In doing this I engage with Latour’s work on the politics of Nature and argue that nature is not necessarily such a deadly tool to politics as is sometimes taken for granted. Before we throw Nature out with our empirical studies of sciences, natures and politics, in the plural, we need to look first at how Nature-wholes emerge, are enacted, and take part in politics. 相似文献
16.
The past 50 years in the Gulf of Maine and Georges Bank is marked by a growing divide between fishermen, scientists, and managers. This paper tracks the scientific, regulatory, social and political evolution of fisheries management in the Northwest Atlantic, culminating in a distrustful and adversarial climate, a convergence of diverse policy needs, and the emergence of a multi-stakeholder cooperative research program—the Northeast Consortium. The institutional structure and activities of the Northeast Consortium are presented and we conclude with a discussion of the role of cooperative research in building mutual understanding and respect, trust and scientific legitimacy. 相似文献
17.
In a context of neo-liberal environmental governance, imperatives for global climate change mitigation are motivating a new round of policy initiatives and projects aimed at carbon forestry: conserving and enhancing forest carbon stocks, and trading these values in emerging carbon markets. In this context modelling and measurement, always significant in framing and justifying forest policy initiatives, are of renewed importance, with a growing array of protocols focused on counting and accounting for forest carbon as a commodity. This article draws on perspectives from science and technology studies and environmental discourse analysis to explore how these modelling and measurement processes are being co-constructed with forest carbon policies and political economies, and applied in project design in local settings. Document analysis and key informant interviews are used to track and illustrate these processes in a pair of case studies of forest carbon projects in Sierra Leone and Ghana. These are chosen to highlight different project types – focused respectively on forest reserve and farm-forestry – in settings with multi-layered histories of people-forest relations, landscape change and prior project intervention. The analysis shows how longer established framings and assessments of deforestation are being re-invoked and re-worked amidst current carbon concerns. We demonstrate that measurement processes are not just technical but social and political, carrying and thus cementing particular views of landscape and social relations that in turn make likely particular kinds of intervention pathway, with fortress style conservation or plantations becoming the dominant approach. In the process, other possibilities – including alternative pathways that might treat and value carbon as part of complex, lived-in landscapes, or respond more adaptively to less equilibrial people–forest relations, are occluded. 相似文献
18.
Political ecology of groundwater: the contrasting case of water-abundant West Bengal and water-scarce Gujarat, India 总被引：2，自引：2，他引：0
Aditi Mukherji 《Hydrogeology Journal》2006,14(3):392-406
Three apparently disparate themes (groundwater, farmers and politics) interweave in this account of how groundwater-related policies in India have very little to do with the scarcity, depletion or quality of groundwater, and more to do with rural politics manifested, among other things, in terms of the presence or absence of farmer lobbies. Examples from two states of India, the water-abundant state of West Bengal and water-scarce state of Gujarat, were investigated using readily available data, analysis of the literature, interviews and fieldwork. In the case of West Bengal, although there is no pressing groundwater crisis, the government of West Bengal (GOWB) was able to successfully implement strict groundwater regulations along with a drastic increase in electricity tariff. More importantly, GOWB was able to implement these without any form of visible farmer protest, though these measures negatively affected farmer incomes. On the other hand, in Gujarat, where there is a real and grave groundwater crisis, the government of Gujarat has neither been able to implement strict groundwater regulations, nor has it been able to increase electricity tariff substantially. Thus, through the lens of ‘political ecology’ the contrasting case of these two Indian states is explained.
相似文献
| Aditi Mukherji (PhD Student)Email: Phone: +44-1223-477186 |
19.
Catherine Hesse-Swain 《GeoJournal》2006,66(3):257-272
People living in the northeast of Thailand interchangeably label themselves and are labelled by others as Isan, Thai Isan,
Lao Isan, Thai or Lao, depending on the ethnic, political, social or familial nuances of any given situation. I use the term
Lao Isan to refer specifically to Isan people of Lao origin or ethnicity. Lao Isan are subject to complex and often competing notions
of Isan-ness, Lao-ness and Thai-ness by insiders and outsiders. Using data derived from an ethnographic study of popular Thai television and Lao Isan youth (aged
17–25) living in the city of Khon Kaen and the town of Mahasarakham in northeast Thailand in 2002, this paper explores contemporary
and co-existing interpretations of Isan identity or Khwampenisan among Lao Isan youth in relation to self-image and connections with national understandings of physical beauty as they are
perpetuated in Thai-produced television programs.
相似文献
| Catherine Hesse-SwainEmail: |
20.
Critical attention has recently turned to the climate change “synecdoche”: a place uniquely exposed to the environmental consequences of climate crisis, such as sea-level rise, that becomes a stand-in for the global crisis as a whole and a harbinger of more widespread disaster. The Maldives, which scientists, politicians, and activists predict could be completely submerged by 2100, filled that role between the 2008 inauguration of Mohamed Nasheed, the country's first democratically elected president after years of authoritarian rule, and his 2012 ouster. This ethnography of the Maldivian challenge to climate change asks how claiming a geopolitical identity as the world’s “canary in the coalmine” fostered an emerging internal political culture.I argue that arming climate change solutions became a state-making device in the Maldives, whose fragile coral atoll ecosystem itself became the synecdoche of a young democracy. Between 2008 and 2012, how was environmental knowledge creation understood as a democratic activity? To answer this question, I draw on ethnographic interview testimony and participant-observation in Malé, the Maldivian capital, with politicians, activists, and city residents, as well as an analysis of the Nasheed administration’s public rhetoric. The article centers on the case of Bluepeace, the country’s oldest environmental NGO, which has seen significant international publicity. Following Bluepeace’s efforts to help the Maldives achieve carbon neutrality by 2020—part of Nasheed’s plan to end global climate change through exemplary national sacrifice—this article finds that climate problem solving and democracy were put to work for one another through small-scale mitigation and adaptation experiments. 相似文献