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131.
该文论述行政区划调整后的四川省区域经济发展水平的评价指标体系 ,利用层次分析法确定各指标权重 ,根据 1997年社会经济统计数据对全省 2 0个地市州进行综合评价 ,采用Ward聚类法进行系统聚类分析 ,将全省划分为四大经济发展梯度区 ,分析其区域差异的空间特征 ,探讨它的经济发展对策。 相似文献
132.
试论西部大开发与国防建设 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
根据我国国土形状呈三叶螺旋浆形的特征,指出了我国经济建设,国防建设和行政管理均应实行中心辐射型结构模式,述了我国经济建设与国防建设相结合的措施,将经济区以国防功能区分为核心经济区,纽带经济区,支撑经济区,有序建成这三类经济区,以适应形势发展的需要,扩大我国的战略防御向纵深发展。 相似文献
133.
基于外向型经济战略在众多发展中国家和地区获得成功,贸易和投资自由化正成为世界经济增长的发动机,文章分析了经济全球化背景下中国西部地区在对外贸易、引进外资及国际旅游创汇方面的差距与不足,提出了中国西部地区外向型经济发展的战略对策和建议,旨在推动中国西部大开发。 相似文献
134.
This article critically engages with the recent diffusion of the orthodox development model in Oceania and highlights some evolving dilemmas. In particular, it explores the social, economic and ecological tensions arising from economic reforms that are exacerbating the fragility of already vulnerable nation-states and communities. In order to illustrate its arguments, a case study of the impacts of agro-export growth in Tonga is presented. Attention is drawn to the socially inequitable and ecologically unsustainable outcomes of rapid growth in this sector. In analyzing the political economy of the squash pumpkin sector, the authors point to the important role that culture plays in mediating and conditioning development outcomes. Reflecting on the Tongan case, it is argued that to better understand the implications of orthodox developmental reform in the region, research must seek to more explicitly incorporate distributional and ethical analysis. 相似文献
135.
136.
西部大开发中的农业结构调整思考 总被引:2,自引:2,他引:2
西部地区的农业发展直接影响到我国国民经济是否能够持续快速健康的发展,这是由于我国是农业大国,农业人口大约占全国人口比例的80%,而实现西部地区持续健康发展的关键在于对传统农业产业结构的调整,提高农业增长的结构变动效益,树立大农业观念,延长农业产业链,在联产承包责任制的基础上通过经营权的集中规模种植,达到实现农业结构调整生态化和产业一体化目标。西部地区在大开发战略实施中,如何将自身的发展环境劣势转变为优势,提出了农业结构调整模式的构想。 相似文献
137.
根据对永城煤电集团供电系统中存在的主要谐波情况,翔实分析了其所造成的附加损耗和经济损失。针对永城煤电集团用电负荷造成的谐波现状及现有的固定LC滤波装置的特点,经综合分析最后确定选用TCR型静止动态无功补偿装置与两矿现有的LC滤波装置并联,组成TCR+FC结构。从技术、经济两方面看,具有重大意义。 相似文献
138.
David Newman 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):235-246
Territory remains a central component of national identity in the contemporary political discourse between Israelis and Palestinians, both populations opposing power sharing within the same space, for fear of the other's domination. The contemporary political discourse relates to conflict management and the desire for separate spaces within which national identities are strengthened through territorial/national homogeneity. The Zionist national ideology of most Jewish citizens of Israel has strong territorial roots; hence they reject the post-Zionist post-nationalist ideology, regardless of whether they accept the possibility of change in Israel's territorial configuration or of a diminishment in the importance of the territorial dimension of national struggle. The rights of residency and citizenship even of second and third generation Jewish citizens remain linked with the territorial configurations of a State that will continue to be called Israel and have a national anthem expressing the aspirations of a single, exclusive, national group. But within territorial readjustment, issues of configuration may become less relevant and in it is this sense that post-Zionism focuses on a discourse of territorial pragmatism, rather than the disappearance of territory from the nationality-citizenship debate altogether. It is part of a process of re-territorialization and spatial reconfiguration of political and national identities, not a reversal of territorialization, if only because there is no such thing as a post-territorial notion of the organization of political power. The boundaries of national identity become more permeable, more inclusive, but they do not disappear altogether. 相似文献
139.
Ecological conflicts in Poland 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Transformation of the political system, observed in Poland for 10 years in connection with economic restructuring and basic
socio-economic reforms to harmonise with European Union structures, is also evident in terms of environmental management.
Pollution has been reduced in many ways but the rise in living standards, linked with the rapid growth of cars and other forms
of consumption, has had a negative effect and environmental conditions have deteriorated in the central areas of large cities.
The growth of waste water and refuse is a considerable problem. More areas are now officially protected and the three levels
of local government established at the beginning of January 1999 (voivodeship, district and community) all have certain defined
environmental protection responsibilities which are cumulatively greater than before. Meanwhile there is a greater awareness
in society of environmental issues, although it does not yet lead to a high level of participation in protection work. However,
there are strongly-expressed opinions on the ecological acceptability of certain economic developments and conflicts are frequently
arising within communities and local governments and also between investors on the one side and ecological organisations and
environmental protection institutions on the other. Most controversial are new roads, power stations (like the Zarnowiec nuclear
project) and reservoirs like the one on the Dunajec river at Czorsztyn. Local communities frequently resist plans for waste
dumps, incinerating plants and other developments which are seen as injurious to health or the quality of life. The planned
reprivatisation of the state-owned forests is also criticised by foresters and ecological movements. Conflicts are likely
to grow as economic development accelerates but better information and greater public understanding of the need for sustainability
should make for consensus.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
140.
Yong-Woong Kim 《GeoJournal》2001,53(1):5-15
In the early stages of economic development in Korea, national territorial planning was used as a policy tool to guide spatial structure and to provide physical infrastructure for urban and industrial development. Such a top-down approach was inevitable because Korea maintained the centralized political and government system until the early 1990s. Circumstances, however, have changed recently since the 1990s with progress in democratization and localization. In addition, forces of globalization are making significant impacts on the parameters of national territorial planning. Reflecting these changes in both internal and external conditions, the Fourth National Territorial Plan (2000–2020) has adopted a different approach from the past three territorial plans. This paper reviews the socio-economic background that necessitated such changes in approaches to national territorial planning. A major thrust of the Fourth Plan, a focus on emergent or anticipated planning issues in Korea, is discussed. Finally, the paper examines the rationale for long-term strategic planning in the highly fluctuating situation facing Korean society in the new century. 相似文献