首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   236篇
  免费   4篇
  国内免费   2篇
测绘学   32篇
大气科学   10篇
地球物理   8篇
地质学   34篇
海洋学   16篇
综合类   11篇
自然地理   131篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   10篇
  2021年   8篇
  2020年   12篇
  2019年   19篇
  2018年   6篇
  2017年   17篇
  2016年   10篇
  2015年   7篇
  2014年   8篇
  2013年   23篇
  2012年   13篇
  2011年   7篇
  2010年   4篇
  2009年   3篇
  2008年   11篇
  2007年   9篇
  2006年   6篇
  2005年   11篇
  2004年   5篇
  2003年   7篇
  2002年   10篇
  2001年   5篇
  2000年   8篇
  1999年   5篇
  1998年   1篇
  1997年   2篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   2篇
  1992年   1篇
  1988年   1篇
  1987年   1篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   4篇
排序方式: 共有242条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
划定“三线”(生态红线、城市开发边界、基本农田保护红线)是构建城市生产、生态、生活空间格局和实现“多规合一”的关键。但在实际工作中,“三线”由不同部门依据不同准则划定,在空间上往往存在冲突。本文以武汉都市发展区为例,从图斑层面探讨“三线冲突”的类型与表征,并分别采用空间格局分析和相关分析法研究“三线冲突”的空间格局特征和区域条件对其影响。研究结果表明:①武汉都市发展区内“三线冲突”以生态—耕地冲突和生态—城市冲突为主,城市—耕地冲突面积较小;②生态—耕地、生态—城市和城市—耕地冲突热点分别集中于都市发展区边缘、都市发展区内部和城乡过渡带,呈圈层分异的特点;③区域条件的6个指标对3类“三线冲突”子类型冲突强度的影响因素各不相同。研究结论为:一是“三线冲突”强度可以用“三线冲突”强度指数(TLCI)表征;二是空间自相关分析、梯度分析、景观格局分析法可以很好地刻画“三线冲突”空间特征;三是对“三线冲突”的自然—人文驱动机制的研究有待进一步完善和深化。本文有助于从城市空间视角加深对“多规冲突”问题的理解,识别“三线冲突”的自然—人文驱动因子,为实现“多规合一”提供理论支撑。  相似文献   
52.
This article identifies the two dominant discourses that attempt to explain socioenvironmental change from bauxite mining in Eastern India and compares them to empirical material from three proposed mining locations. The anti-mining “life-giving hills” discourse understands the bauxite-bearing hills as an essential part of a wider ecosystem that supports sustainable, indigenous communities. The pro-mining “treasure chest” discourse, on the other hand, sees barren, uninhabited hilltops with rich ore deposits possible to extract for the benefit of the nation without harming nearby forests or communities. It is found that both discourses hold universalizing aspirations not backed up by available evidence. The technical rationality of mining proponents create sweeping generalizations resulting in unmitigated socio-environmental change, while the eco-romanticist opposition fails to see how communities and environments are differentially affected by mining. Two untenable discourses at present underpin seemingly intractable conflict without addressing wider resource politics dominated by political and business elites.  相似文献   
53.
褚玉杰  赵振斌  张铖  陈诚  陈幺 《地理学报》2016,71(6):1045-1058
随着乡村旅游的快速发展,乡村旅游社区逐步成为多群体竞争与冲突的场所,其内部多群体的态度差异成为指示社区冲突的重要指标。本文以西安汤峪镇为例,采用参与式制图(Participatory Mapping)和半结构访谈方法对当地居民、度假购房业主和游客3类群体的旅游开发态度和景观价值感知进行调查,最终获得315套访谈表与填图,共提取空间信息点5518个。基于对Brown等土地利用冲突倾向指标模型的修订,并结合地理空间分析方法探讨旅游社区态度差异和冲突倾向的空间特征。结论显示:① 旅游开发态度及其差异具有明显的地点指向性,并与景观价值的空间感知相关联。旅游开发冲突倾向空间上并非均匀分布,而是呈斑状格局,高值集中于社区旅游开发核心区域,且强度由开发的核心区域向外围区域减弱;② 潜在冲突地点的形成既有传统冲突因素的影响,又有特殊空间因素的作用,旅游开发要素的空间结构、多人群景观价值的空间感知、社区旅游发展阶段和相关人群的涉入程度都会影响冲突空间的形成;③ 参与式制图与深度访谈结合的方法能够帮助获得多人群主观数据,为认识态度和旅游开发冲突的空间特征提供了新的技术支撑。  相似文献   
54.
We used MODIS NDVI data to determine whether there was a significant change in cultivated area along the Euphrates River in Iraq after the Iraq War compared to before and during the war. Results revealed that mean cultivated area was largest during the pre–Iraq War period (2000–2003) with 99,115 Mha, reduced some during the early Iraq War period (2003–2006) to 83,480 Mha, reduced even further during the late Iraq War period (2007–2011) to 53,813 Mha due to drought, and increased slightly during the post–Iraq War period (2012–2015) to 69,161 Mha, although not returning to previous highs of the pre–Iraq War or early Iraq War periods. Statistical analysis with the Kruskal–Wallis test revealed that the small cultivated area during the post–Iraq War period was more closely related to the late Iraq War and drought period than previous periods, indicating that recent instability, such as political turmoil following the departure of U.S. troops, violent militant extremism, lack of economic investment, and environmental degradation, has had a similar effect on cultivated area as a devastating drought.  相似文献   
55.
56.
Armed conflicts trigger region-specific mechanisms that affect land use change. Deforestation is presented as one of the most common negative environmental impacts resulting from armed conflicts, with relevant consequences in terms of greenhouse gas emissions and loss of ecosystem services. However, the impact of armed conflict on forests is complex and may simultaneously lead to positive and negative environmental outcomes, i.e. forest regrowth and deforestation, in different regions even within a country. We investigate the impact that armed conflict exerted over forest dynamics at different spatial scales in Colombia and for the global tropics during the period 1992–2015. Through the analysis of its internally displaced population (departures) our results suggest that, albeit finding forest regrowth in some municipalities, the Colombian conflict predominantly exerted a negative impact on its forests. A further examination of georeferenced fighting locations in Colombia and across the globe shows that conflict areas were 8 and 4 times more likely to undergo deforestation, respectively, in the following years in relation to average deforestation rates. This study represents a municipality level, long-term spatial analysis of the diverging effects the Colombian conflict exerted over its forest dynamics over two distinct periods of increasing and decreasing conflict intensity. Moreover, it presents the first quantified estimate of conflict's negative impact on forest ecosystems across the globe. The relationship between armed conflict and land use change is of global relevance given the recent increase of armed conflicts across the world and the importance of a possible exacerbation of armed conflicts and migration as climate change impacts increase.  相似文献   
57.
This case study on the Borkena wetlands in north‐eastern Ethiopia tells, through the voices of the inhabitants, the story of the occupation and management of an area where agro‐pastoralists (Urrane) and farmers have progressively settled. It shows how different policy changes and natural disasters have transformed the type of peoples' livelihoods and land use patterns in the wetland. It tells the history of relationships between smallholder peasants, irrigation farmers, commercial farms, and the Urrane, where conflicts as well as collaboration developed, and it shows how different stakeholders behave and consider their own situation. The study also reveals that development intervention by World Vision Ethiopia (WVE) had mixed impact on peoples' livelihoods in the wetland: sedentary peasants have benefited while the Urrane have been adversely affected. The main issue is the marginalization of pastoralists, with the denial of their traditional land use rights by three successive regimes and administrations. Any solution to the cohabitation of the different groups and livelihoods will have to address the issue of land rights for the pastoralists and promote the fair participation of all stakeholders in the future management of the wetlands. Good governance and the competence of the state actors at local levels are the crucial issues for the realization of the suggested solutions.  相似文献   
58.
Based on a commemorative speech given at the Norwegian Academy of Science and Letters on 9 February 2006, the article provides an account of the geographical career of Professor Just Gjessing at the University of Oslo from 1950 until his death in 2005.  相似文献   
59.
文章运用利益主体理论(stakeholder)及协同共生理论(symbiosis)的分析方法,以“福建土楼”世界遗产旅游地为典型案例,探究跨界区域品牌共享型旅游地核心利益主体冲突格局、机理及其治理机制.研究表明:“福建土楼”世界遗产旅游地跨界冲突格局表现为横向层面的品牌共生体的冲突和纵向层面的利益共生体的冲突,其背后深层次的冲突机理主要在于行政分割运作、地方利益导向等因素导致跨县市利益冲突日趋激烈,加上内部强弱势利益主体间利益分配失衡引起纵向层面的利益冲突愈演愈烈.最后,针对利益主体的冲突博弈问题建立了多维度的跨界治理机制.  相似文献   
60.
This paper examines contemporary struggles over hydrocarbon governance in Ecuador and Bolivia. Our comparative analysis illustrates the ways that petro-capitalism, nationalist ideologies, popular movements and place conjoin in the governance of oil and natural gas. In the case of Ecuador, state employees drew on their labor relations and political training to oppose the government’s efforts to privatize the state oil company. In Bolivia, urban popular movements opposed the privatization of the hydrocarbons industry and its domination by foreign firms. In both cases, hydrocarbons struggles involved the production of imaginative geographies of the nation and it hydrocarbon resources, which in turn drew on historical memories of nationhood. Whereas neoliberal political and economic restructuring sought to re-organize national hydrocarbons companies, redraw concessions, and draft new resource extraction laws, hydrocarbon movements aimed to counter these processes by re-centering hydrocarbon governance within a populist vision of the nation-state. In contrast to analyses of resource conflict in the environmental security and resource curse literatures, the cases of Ecuador and Bolivia demonstrate that such struggles cannot be reduced to models of opportunity structure, war profiteering, or resource scarcity (or abundance). Rather, these cases show that political economy and cultural politics are inseparable in the context of resource conflicts, which involve struggles over the meanings of development, citizenship and the nation itself.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号