集团异化与亚太区域经济合作   总被引：2，自引：1，他引：1  

文云朝 《世界地理研究》1998,(1)

集团异化现象是集团化进程中的一种逆反行为,集中反映在经互会的解体和围绕“赫一伯法”而导致的北美集团成员国之间制裁与反制裁的公开对抗。冷战结束后这种现象异常活跃,而且具有广泛的世界意义。文章阐述了集团异化的概念和当代的集团异化现象和异化效应;分析了集团异化产生的国际背景与内因。作者进而指出,在新的国际形势下,集团异化构成为集团化进程中的一种新现象和新问题,并非偶然;最后探讨了它对于发展亚太区域经济合作的理论意义和现实意义。  相似文献   

The cooperative and conflictual interactions between the United States,Russia, and China: A quantitative analysis of event data   总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1  

YUAN Lihua  SONG Changqing  CHENG Changxiu  SHEN Shi  CHEN Xiaoqiang  WANG Yuanhui 《地理学报(英文版)》2020,30(10):1702-1720

The United States, Russia and China are militarily and economically among the most powerful countries in the post-Cold War period, and the interactions between the three powers heavily influence the international system. However, different conclusions about this question are generally made by researchers through qualitative analysis, and it is necessary to objectively and quantitatively investigate their interactions. Monthly-aggregated event data from the Global Data on Events, Location and Tone(GDELT) to measure cooperative and conflictual interactions between the three powers, and the complementary cumulative distribution function(CCDF) and the vector autoregression(VAR) method are utilized to investigate their interactions in two periods: January, 1991 to September, 2001, and October, 2001 to December, 2016. The results of frequencies and strengths analysis showed that: the frequencies and strengths of USA-China interactions slightly exceeded those of USA-Russia interactions and became the dominant interactions in the second period. Although that cooperation prevailed in the three dyads in two periods, the conflictual interactions between the USA and Russia tended to be more intense in the second period, mainly related to the strategic contradiction between the USA and Russia, especially in Georgia, Ukraine and Syria. The results of CCDF indicated that similar probabilities in the cooperative behaviors between the three dyads, but the differences in the probabilities of conflictual behaviors in the USA-Russia dyad showed complicated characteristic, and those between Russia and China indicated that Russia had been consistently giving China a hard time in both periods when dealing with conflict. The USA was always an essential factor in affecting the interactions between Russia and China in both periods, but China's behavior only played a limited role in influencing the interactions between the USA-Russia dyad. Our study provides quantitative insight into the direct cooperative and conflictual interactions between the three dyads since the end of the Cold War and helps to understand their interactions better.  相似文献   

基于SOA云服务的济宁市电子政务服务平台研究          下载免费PDF全文

曹永锋  梁远新  杨成兵  王忠燕 《山东国土资源》2014,30(10)

基于政务网的政府各部门横向与纵向信息共享及业务协同的需求十分迫切,传统的单向共享模式的应用瓶颈日益突出,结合济宁市政务信息平台建设的实际环境及需求,设计了基于SOA云服务的政府部门间信息资源共享及在线业务协同平台的框架,实现了政府各部门之间数据有序交换和资源共享,建立了数据建设规范和业务协同机制,极大地提升了政务办公自动化水平。  相似文献   

The economics of boldness: equity,action, and hope     

José Alberto Garibaldi 《Climate Policy》2014,14(1):82-101

Equity is usually interpreted in terms of the concept of justice, such that an equitable share of the atmospheric space is understood in terms of past emissions. This emphasizes the collective nature of sharing the burden of mitigation and the duty to act for those who have emitted the most. An alternative is considered: the aggregate costs and benefits to all Parties that could result from both increasing the level of collective ambition and implementing a climate regime that supports bold actions across all Parties. The regional impacts and carbon flow costs across differentiated scenarios are assessed and it is argued that the majority of developing-country Parties would be better off if a high ambition outcome to which all contributed, but some more than others. Moreover, those with middle or low emissions would have proportionally more to gain (or lose) relative to the level of ambition compared to those that have had higher emissions. The climate regime should be built on the principle of common but differentiated responsibility and respective capabilities (CBDR&RC), in which all act early even if some do much more; one that accounts for justice but does not forget hope.

Policy relevance

Differing interpretations of equity and the principles of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) are discussed, with a focus on how these can enhance or hinder collective action. Whilst the climate change negotiations are usually taken as games in which one party gains and another loses, and interactions are dogged by continuous conflict, it is explored instead how negotiation responses can be framed in terms of cooperation. This would emphasize the gains that could be achieved by common but differentiated collective action, which could result in a collective avoidance of impacts. The possibilities that this shift of perspective could bring are explored by comparing costs under global cooperation (or lack of it). It is found that cooperation reduces the total costs for these regions. Thus, thinking in terms of cooperation focuses the options for negotiation on the means and interpretations of the UNFCCC principles that spur action and avoid climate impacts through collective action.  相似文献   

Multilateralism in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore     

《Marine Policy》2014

This paper analyzes International Maritime Organization (IMO) involvement in maritime cooperation regime in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore through multilateralism. It begins by introducing the maritime cooperation regime prior to 2001, which was mainly trilateral in nature through Tripartite Technical Expert Group on the Safety of Navigation (TTEG). Although TTEG managed to increase the level of safety of navigation in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore through the implementation of the Traffic Separation Scheme (TSS) in 1981 and Mandatory Ship Reporting System (STRAITREP) in 1998, such cooperation was beset by financial strain and conflict of interests. Subsequently, there was a change in the cooperation regime after 9/11 incident. This paper identifies that the change was contributed by the IMO through a methodology called multilateralism. Three important principles were adopted by IMO in implementing multilateralism in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, namely generalized principles of conduct (respect for sovereignty and compliance with burden sharing principle under Article 43 of UNCLOS 1982), diffuse reciprocity, and indivisibility. This paper concludes that multilateralism by IMO has transformed trilateral cooperation into multilateral cooperation in the Straits of Malacca, combining state actors (littoral states and user states) and non-state actors (non-governmental organizations and international shipping industries).  相似文献   

Sometimes you cannot make it on your own; drivers and scenarios for regional cooperation in implementing the EU Marine Strategy Framework Directive     

《Marine Policy》2014

Implementing the EU Marine Strategy Framework Directive explicitly calls for regional cooperation between the EU Member States in the different regional seas. This regional cooperation, although set in a general framework of EU Member States and non-EU states utilising existing Regional Sea Conventions as focal point, develops along different tracks. Based on a series of interviews with different stakeholder groups in the different regional seas the drivers for this regional cooperation were determined. These drivers were used to develop a set of scenarios to depict possible ways and structures for cooperation at the different regional seas. In this paper the result of this analysis and the different scenarios developed are presented. The five scenarios developed were very helpful in elaborating alternative governance models for regional cooperation. From the validation by the stakeholders it became clear that both the drivers used, as the scenarios developed were found to be relevant. There is no single solution that is going to fit all regional seas, or that is going to appeal to all stakeholders within a regional sea. Especially in this setting the scenario approach does help people to explore the full range of possibilities that exists for the development of alternative governance models that address two issues raised but not detailed in the MSFD: cooperation and participation.  相似文献   

基于 SOA 云服务的济宁市电子政务服务平台研究     

曹永锋  ;梁远新  ;杨成兵  ;王忠燕 《山东地质》2014,(10):57-59

基于政务网的政府各部门横向与纵向信息共享及业务协同的需求十分迫切,传统的单向共享模式的应用瓶颈日益突出,结合济宁市政务信息平台建设的实际环境及需求,设计了基于 SOA 云服务的政府部门间信息资源共享及在线业务协同平台的框架,实现了政府各部门之间数据有序交换和资源共享,建立了数据建设规范和业务协同机制,极大地提升了政务办公自动化水平。  相似文献   

长三角创新产学合作与企业创新绩效:尺度与效应北大核心CSCDCSSCI     

宓泽锋  尚勇敏  徐维祥  曾刚  周灿 《地理研究》2022,41(3):647-662

产学合作网络是长三角创新共同体建设的重要方面,而当前经济地理学相关研究集中在“本地/全球”二元尺度讨论上,缺乏多尺度产学合作效应的比较分析。基于IncoPat专利数据,本文从尺度和效应视角探讨了长三角创新产学合作与企业创新绩效的关系,得到以下结论:①长三角创新产学合作的空间格局呈现以省会城市为中心的星芒状结构,核心城市占据的网络优势地位能够助力其在网络中获取创新资源,并且高校资源的不均衡分布特征进一步巩固了省会城市的优势地位,使得长三角创新产学合作格局具有明显的路径依赖特征。②本省与长三角区域尺度创新产学合作对企业创新绩效的影响要显著高于其他尺度。从区域尺度客观看待高校在空间创新进程中的作用尤为重要。③长三角创新产学合作的平均距离与企业创新绩效间呈现显著的倒“U”型关系,并且工科院校产学合作的作用和极值点均要大于综合院校和其他院校。由此,本文提出以下建议:一方面应该加快推进以区域尺度创新产学合作为重点的产学合作体系建设;另一方面应当强化薄弱地区产学合作的多尺度耦合网络建设,着力提升薄弱地区的网络地位。  相似文献   

京津冀科技合作网络的演变特征及影响因素     

席强敏  李国平  孙瑜康  吕爽 《地理学报》2022,77(6):1359-1373

构建层次分明、结构合理的科技合作网络对于推动京津冀协同创新具有非常重要的作用。本文从基于知识创新的科研合作网络和基于技术创新的技术合作网络的角度,使用合作论文和合作专利数据,采用社会网络分析法对2013—2018年京津冀地区地级及以上城市之间科技合作网络的演变特征进行了分析,并基于半参数估计和面板计量模型实证检验了影响京津冀78个城市对之间科技合作的主要因素。主要结论为：① 京津冀科研合作网络快速成长,呈现北京与天津双核引领,以京津为主轴、京保石为次轴的空间结构。② 京津冀逐渐形成了以北京为主中心,天津、石家庄为次中心,廊坊、保定、沧州为三级枢纽,其他城市为节点的技术合作网络结构。③ 空间距离越近的城市之间越容易产生科技合作,高铁开通带来的时空距离压缩可以减弱科技合作的空间衰减系数;相对于科研合作,技术合作对于空间距离更为敏感;技术邻近性是促进城市间科技合作的主要驱动因子,尤其是对技术合作的促进效应更为明显;经济发展差距越小的城市之间相对容易产生技术合作。  相似文献   

文化邻近对“一带一路”沿线国家间科研合作强度的影响     

孔翔  胡泽鹏 《地理研究》2022,41(8):2092-2108

跨国科研合作是“一带一路”倡议的重要内容,而相互信任则是科研合作的重要基础。由于“一带一路”沿线各国的经济规模和社会文化环境差异都较大,文化邻近对于增进国家间相互信任,进而推动跨国科研合作就具有重要价值。考虑到以往研究主要以合著科研论文数量来测度国家间的科研合作水平,可能放大了经济规模、人口规模、发文总量等的影响,本研究基于2007—2020年间“一带一路”沿线66国间的合著科研论文数量,以改进的Salton指数表征的科研论文合作强度测度国家间科研合作水平,采用社会网络分析、回归分析和GIS空间分析等方法,探究沿线各国在2007—2013年和2014—2020年两个时间段内科研合作强度的演变过程,并以此为基础,着重考察文化邻近的可能影响。研究表明：① 综合分析论文合作规模和合作强度,能够识别出建立在语言、宗教等文化要素邻近之上的两国间真正的强合作关系,宗教邻近有助于增进互信,语言邻近有助于增进相互理解,方便了科研合作过程中的交流和沟通。② 2007年以来,“一带一路”沿线国家间的科研合作空间格局已由“两核九中心”转变为“一核八中心”,中国成为网络中唯一的核心,与其他国家的加权度中心性差距不断扩大。③ 国家发文量、国家间经济发展差距、政治关系、地理距离、语言邻近和宗教邻近等均对科研合作强度有显著影响,其中文化（语言和宗教）邻近的影响最为显著,但也趋于减弱,语言邻近的影响要强于宗教邻近,并且只有语言相同或属于同一语支能够显著促进国家间的科研合作。中国作为“一带一路”倡议的发起国,与沿线大多数国家并不具有天然的文化邻近,在一定程度上阻碍了科研合作网络的建设。未来,有必要更加重视跨文化交流和沟通,以增进科研合作领域的信任关系,推动科研合作取得实效。  相似文献