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珠海市1：2万城区因是适应近年来该市市区建设迅速发展编制的一幅崭新地图，其遵循的基本原则包括突出城市个性、保证资料现势性、强调地围实用性和注重地图艺术性四个方面．该图在地图内容的表现和图面设计等方面体现了以下特点：表现现代城市街区的功能类型，采用晕渲和明暗等高线显示立体地貌，综合表示花园式城市的绿地景观，图面配置和地图设色的合理化以及文字注记的实用化等． 相似文献
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《The Professional geographer》1988,40(1):116-131
Books reviewed in this article: Boundary Control and Legal Priniciples . Curtis M. Brown , Walter G. Robillard and Donald A. Wilson . Lost Initiatives: Canada's Forest Industries, Forest Policy, and Forest Conservation . R. Peter Gillis and Thomas R. Roach . The Navajo Atlas: Resources, People, and History of the Dine Bikeyah . James M. Goodman . The City and the Sign . M. Gottdiener AND Alexandros Ph . Lagopoulos , EDS. The Comfortable House: North American Suburban Architecture 1890–1930 . Alan Gowans . Arabic-Islamic Cities. Building and Planning Principles . Besim Salim Hakim . Contemporary Climatology . Ann Henderson -Sellers and Peter J. Robinson . A Trace of Desert Waters . Samuel G. Houghton . Geography, Resources and Environment. Vol. 1: Selected Writings of Gilbert F. White. Vol. 2: Themes from the Work of Gilbert F. White . Robert W. Kates AND Ian Burton , ED. Spatial Dimensions of Unemployment and Underemployment (A Case Study of Rural Punjab) . Gopal Krishan . Maps of the Holy Land: Cartobibliography of Printed Maps, 1475–1900 . Compiled by Eran Laor , assisted by Shoshana Klein . The Geography of Third World Cities . Stella Lowder . A Perspective on U.S. Farm Problems and Agricultural Policy . Lance Mc Kinzie , Timothy G. Baker AND Wallace E. Tyner . Soil Erosion and Its Control. R.P.C . Morgan , ED Geopolitics . Patrick O'Sullivan . Landscape, Meanings and Values . Edmund C. Penning -Rowsell AND David Lowenthal , EDS. 相似文献
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Max Nielsen-Pincus Patricia Sussman Drew E. Bennett Hannah Gosnell Robert Parker 《社会与自然资源》2017,30(12):1423-1441
Sense of place, including an individual’s attitudes toward specific geographic settings, is generally predicted to influence willingness to engage in place-protective behaviors. Relatively little research, however, has empirically examined the influence of people’s attitudes toward a place on their willingness to pay for environmental protection. Using the example of a payment for ecosystem services (PES) initiative in the McKenzie River watershed, Oregon, USA, we found that place attitudes were a significant predictor of respondents’ willingness to pay for a program designed to benefit drinking water quality. These results suggest that connecting conservation actions to landscapes that are meaningful to people may increase their financial support for PES and other conservation programs. While program managers have little or no influence over stakeholders’ political ideology, gender, or income, managers may be able to influence prospective PES buyers’ awareness and attitudes through targeted communications, thereby potentially increasing support for place-based conservation efforts. 相似文献
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《Urban geography》2013,34(8):1080-1099
This study examines the current role of ideology in maintaining and reproducing consumer demand for residential suburban spaces in the outer ring of American metropolitan regions. It highlights the contradiction between the promises that are made through the ideology and discourse of the American Dream and the inherent limits of those promises within the realities of a highly dynamic capitalist society. It is argued that this powerful discursive formation has evolved through recent neoliberal times, and is manifest in the suburban landscape in new ways. It must continue to produce simulated images that signify mythologized narratives of the past that cater to sentiments of hope and a better life in the future. At the same time, it works through existing fears and anxieties in order to secure the progressive accumulation of capital in the suburban built environment. Evidence will be provided from the ongoing suburbanization of Kendall County, Illinois at the southwestern edge of metropolitan Chicago. 相似文献
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This research tests the casual link from political ideology to national greenhouse gas emissions by utilizing multinational panel data covering 98 countries during the period 1990–2016. Overall, the baseline results and robustness tests show a political divide on national greenhouse gas emissions, whereby compared to right-wing governments, left-wing governments are more likely to exhibit less carbon dioxide emissions. We further explore this topic from the perspectives of energy efficiency and education. Three-stage OLS regressions suggest that leftist parties increase energy efficiency and spend more on secondary education, which lead to less greenhouse gas emissions. We also introduce the interaction between political ideology and economic performance as well as globalization to test the moderating effects of economic performance and globalization. The study further looks into the interaction effects of political ideology and democracies on greenhouse gas emissions by dividing the whole sample into two sub-samples. The results indicate that the ideology effect on greenhouse gas emissions varies among countries with different economic performances or different degrees of political globalization, as well as between democracies and non-democracies. 相似文献
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The Interaction of Religion,Political Ideology,and Concern About Climate Change in the United States 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Matthew B. Arbuckle 《社会与自然资源》2017,30(2):177-194
Political ideology and religion are considered important influences on attitudes about climate change, as many people rely on ideological and religious cues to help shape attitudes about this highly complex, uncertain, and politicized issue. While many scholars have studied the impacts of political orientation and religious affiliation independently, few have studied whether and how they interact in shaping concern about climate change. This article uses a large sample study to examine the impact of religious tradition on two indicators of concern about climate change within categories of political ideology. This study shows that religious affiliation moderates the impact of ideology, and that these interaction effects vary across religious traditions. Perhaps most significantly, this study reveals that religious affiliation is most influential on political liberals but has very little impact on conservatives. This holds significant implications for the way we understand the relationship between religion and environmental attitudes. 相似文献
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When the Zionist executive abandoned Jewish rights to Trans-Jordanian Palestine, Jabotinsky established the Revisionist movement from which Etzel the Jewish right-wing underground movement in Palestine developed. This was the precursor of the Herut (Freedom) Party, from which the Likud party emerged in September 1973 to challenge the Labour Alignment (headed by the Israel Labour Party). Between the War of Independence (1948) and the signature of the Camp David accords (1978), the Government of Israel came under strong international pressure to solve the problem of the Arab refugees. During this time, dramatic changes took place in Herut's ideology and political status. In 1948, Herut was an outcast political party with a radical ideology, demanding the establishment of a Jewish Commonwealth on both sides of the Jordan. It perceived the Arab refugees to be a potential fifth column and the contiguous Arab states to be inimical. It strenuously opposed the Mapai led political Establishment's willingness to sign Armistice Agreements and make compromises with regard to Arab refugees. After Levi Eshkol replaced Ben-Gurion as the head of Mapai, Herut began to become part of the Israeli consensus and a member of the political Establishment. Herut served in Levy Eshkol's National Crisis Government before and during the 1967 war, and as the major force of Gahal, after the war. Concomitant with this, there were great changes in Herut's expressed ideology, chief among these were the tacit renunciation of trans-Jordan Palestine as part of the Jewish Commonwealth and the explicit acceptance of the Arab refugees as potential citizens of the State of Israel. 相似文献
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Izhak Schnell 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):221-234
The transition to globalization, socio-cultural fragmentation and an era of peace all constrain Zionism to a restructuring in its territorial perspectives. In the nation-building era, Zionism made the territory the focus of Zionist activity, which necessitated seizing territory, controlling it, and creating an affinity and attachment and a bond of identity between the nation and the territory. Pure colonization as a central strategy for realizing these national goals originated mainly from the unique historical circumstances of Zionism and from the adoption of an ethno-national ideology. This also led to the Palestinian-Jewish conflict that concentrated on the control of territory. The national economy regime that influenced Israel in different ways also served the territorial ideology to a great degree. Peace borders will require Israel to cooperate closely with Jordan, Palestine, Syria and Lebanon in managing resources, external influences and additional common interests. The peace economy will integrate with the multi-national economy. Furthermore, in the reality of peace, Israel will have to abandon the internal colonization of areas populated by Israeli Arab citizens and give greater legitimation to their more prominent inclusion the Israeli identity. It will also become difficult for any elite group to dictate the national agenda to other marginal groups, such as Israeli Arabs, and Sephardic or Orthodox Jews, each group creates for itself considerable degree of autonomy in its own territory. In the main, the national periphery divides into an Israeli Arab periphery beside the periphery of the traditionally religious Sephardic Jews. The ultra-Orthodox Jews take control of increasingly larger Israeli space and expanding the horizons of their public involvement beyond their traditional ghettos. Each group creates for itself a different symbolic space with differing views concerning the limits of Israeli sovereignty. 相似文献
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Amnon Kartin 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):273-282
The demand for scarce fresh water requires Israel to cease squandering this limited resource on agriculture, at present consuming about 70% of the annual supply. Environmental pollution must cease as well, for untreated urban water effluent contaminates ground water. All Israel's 700 million cubic metres sewage water must be suitably purified to irrigate about one hundred thousand hectares. Climatically controlled greenhouses and advanced agricultural research will reduce the amount of water and land required for the cultivation of the fresh vegetables and fruit, and small proportion of the dry fodder needed for the country's consumption. Israeli agriculture's association with moral, ideological and social ideas obstructs meaningful reduction in the allocation of water to agriculture. The Zionist movement has always seen transforming land into a means of production as the index of its success. Failure in this would signify an inability to adapt to adverse environmental conditions and be a sweeping repudiation of Zionism. The protracted Israeli-Arab national conflict also affects water policy. Israeli Jewish society has always considered rural settlement, agricultural activity, as part of the substance of its national identity and power, bonding the people with the land and consolidating territorial sovereignty. Since the 1970s, capitalism, which has dominated Israeli ideology, has favoured the individual's interests over the community's. Thus agriculture is mobilized to accommodate the private struggle for the good of the farming sector against the needs of the national collective. 相似文献