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1.
Private sector actors are playing an increasingly significant role in the definition and governance of ‘sustainable’ agri-food practices. Yet, to date little attention has been paid by social scientists to how greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions are addressed as part of private agri-food governance arrangements. This paper examines how private actors within agri-food supply chains respond to emerging pressure for measures to reduce GHG emissions from agriculture. Drawing upon the Anglo-Foucauldian governmentality literature, we introduce the notion of the corporate carbon economy to conceptualise the practical techniques that enable private agri-food actors to make GHG emissions thinkable and governable in the context of existing market, regulatory, and supply chain pressures. Using a case study of the Australian dairy industry, we argue that private agri-food actors utilise a range of techniques that enable them to respond to existing government environmental regulations, balance current market pressures with future supply chain requirements, and demonstrate improved eco-efficiency along food supply chains. These techniques – which include environmental self-assessment instruments, tools for measuring GHG emissions, and sustainability reporting – have little direct relevance to the ‘international climate regime’ of carbon trading, and carbon markets more broadly, yet individually and in combination they are crucial in enacting an alternative regime of GHG governance. In concluding, we contend that the growing use of sustainability metrics by international food companies is likely to have the most powerful implications for GHG governance in the agri-food sector, with potentially far-reaching consequences for how future action on climate change is rendered thinkable and practicable.  相似文献   

2.
Liza Griffin 《Geoforum》2010,41(2):282-292
This paper explores a series of maxims, widely known in policy and academic circles as the ‘principles of good governance’, which state that policymaking in the European Union (EU) should be participatory, conducted as close to citizens as practicable, transparent, accountable, effective and coherent. These maxims were introduced into EU fisheries management as part of a radical reform of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) in 2002. This reform was instituted in response to criticisms of a prevailing management regime alleged to be inefficient, undemocratic, and potentially responsible for an environmental crisis: the exhaustion of key fish stocks. The research for this work has found that there are limits to the actual achievement of good governance in EU fisheries. In practice governance innovations are very often contradictory and rife with tensions. I reason that such problems result not merely from policy implementation failures; they constitute a more endemic feature of the CFP reforms. We can begin to understand these limits to good governance principles by looking to Agamben’s permanent state of exception thesis. Agamben’s theory helps to show how these contradictions and tensions occur under new governance regimes, because the relationship between democratic norms (like good governance) and political power is no longer clear. I argue that this blurring has been exploited by groups seeking influence in these new regimes. They do this through citing a supposed need for emergency measures to mitigate crisis. Although this research broadly supports the state of exception thesis, my analysis leads me to question some aspects of its application in contemporary governance spaces.  相似文献   

3.
Patrick Forest 《Geoforum》2012,43(1):14-24
Water has been the source of many controversies in Canada. While the extensive literature on international water transfers has focused on the continental schemes aimed at diverting and transferring Arctic water southward, little has been written about the only existing bulk water transfers between borderland communities located along the Canadian and American border. This article introduces the concept of transboundary inter-local water supplies, and documents their spatialities, origins, modes of governance, and characteristics. For decades, these communities have engaged with the international realm to address water scarcity issues and the high costs associated with water infrastructure. Although small in scale, they constitute a different model of Canadian–American cross-boundary water cooperation. I argue, however, that these transfers are scale dependent; they cannot be scaled up because they are only possible because they are embedded within the local. Although such partnerships have often evolved informally, within grey areas of water governance, they have nonetheless been effective in providing freshwater to local border communities.  相似文献   

4.
Geographers have been slow to address issues about abstinence, drinking and drunkenness, but the importance of alcohol on the social and political agenda has underpinned recent growth in this field. Explorations of the gendered geographies of drinking are one important strand in this emerging field, but there is currently a paucity of research on women and gender (as opposed to men), and a dearth of research which looks beyond a rather narrowly specified range of public drinking environments. This paper addressed these short-comings through a quantitative and qualitative examination of different men’s and women’s alcohol consumption in private as well as diverse public drinking environments in 21st Century Britain. The paper emphasises the importance of gendered moralities in shaping gender and intra-gender differences in drinking levels, locations and motivations, and explores the connections between apparently separate public and private drinking environments.  相似文献   

5.
Transfrontier conservation has taken Southern Africa by storm, where the modus operandi remains simple and intuitive: by dissolving boundaries, local benefits grow as conservation and development spread regionally. However, in the case of South Africa’s section of the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park, political and economic change redirects benefits to support ‘modern’ economies at the expense of rural livelihoods through community-based natural resources management (CBNRM). Neo-liberal agendas promoted by government and the transfrontier park derail efforts at decentralizing CBNRM initiatives beyond markets and state control. This paper argues that ‘hybrid neoliberal’ CBNRM has arisen in private and public sector delivery of devolved conservation and poverty relief projects as ‘tertiary production’ for regional development. As a result, ‘CBNRM’ projects related to and independent of transfrontier conservation support private sector interests rather than the resource base of rural livelihoods. Concluding sections assert that CBNRM can counter this neoliberal trend by supporting the land-based economy of local users living near the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park.  相似文献   

6.
In Zambia’s Copperbelt as in most of the developing world, the water sector is undergoing reforms targeted at promoting an active participation of the private sector. Conventional wisdom suggests that the private sector will be better able to achieve universal access as opposed to the public sector which hitherto has failed to deliver. Using archival materials from the Copperbelt Province, this paper however argues that in countries like Zambia where economic enterprise was driven by private capital, access to water has always been tied to an active involvement of the private sector. The full story of failure to provide universal access to potable water cannot be told without examining this historical role of the private sector and its relationship with the public sector. At the same time, contemporary policy debates can benefit from the resonance of historical debates around economic efficiency, demand management, health and access in the production and consumption of water.  相似文献   

7.
This paper explores audience engagements with popular television food media via a focus on UK based celebrity chef Jamie Oliver. One series, Jamie’s Ministry of Food (JMOF) is argued to form a common resource around which different audience positions are constructed and performed. This paper draws on focus group and interview data from two stereotypically contrasting UK towns, Rotherham and Tunbridge Wells. The paper identifies three key tropes: embarrassment, voyeurism and reflexive positioning. In Rotherham I show how the formation of embarrassment is premised upon an imagined social relationship between distant audiences, JMOF and an anxiously anticipating subject. In Tunbridge Wells I explore the recursive relationship between Voyeuristic class disgust and subsequent reflexive positioning. I argue that reflexive positioning works through exchanges of public self critique and public media critique in order to attain and maintain a position within a social group. Voyeuristic and reflexive audience positions are argued to be complementary to one another, forming two parts of a wider flexible relationship to media and the social, possessed by those in particular geographical, as well as subject, positions. The ostensible aims of JMOF are the improvement of health and culinary skill and yet these are complicated and interrogated in audience accounts. Matters of a moral nature, including discussions of social class, poverty, disgust, pleasure, and the ethics of spectatorship take prominence.  相似文献   

8.
The last few years have seen an upsurge in the field of innovation studies especially ‘inclusive innovation’, aiming not only at economic but social development. In developing countries, like India, inclusive innovation must incorporate governance and for governance to be inclusive, it should encompass participation by all, especially the marginalized, to make public policies efficacious and deliverable. I argue that any model of inclusive innovation needs to take cognizance of participation by all stakeholders. The objective of innovation must be to enable and empower people at the periphery through awareness, accessibility and democratic deliberations rather than solely aiming at economic outcomes. There is a need to debate on the ‘inclusiveness’ of innovation and make it more participative. Such an endeavour may help promote United Nation’s sustainable development goals by making governance participatory and expediting the process of social justice.  相似文献   

9.
Voluntary associations are at the heart of Swedish rural policy and strategies for governance as partners in bringing about ‘development from below.’ Examining the implications of this new responsibility being placed on the civil society in new modes of multilevel governance, I ask: do these changes presage greater political space for individuals vis à vis the state or is Swedish rural policy premised on ideas about an institutional context that might be disappearing? In comparative research in rural Sweden, I discuss state and civil-society relations at the macro level in light of the gendered micro-politics of associational life on the ground. Through ethnographic research with people involved in development work of different kinds, I examine how ideas about community associations are used to mobilize rural policy. I analyze its’ political implications and argue for the importance of analyzing macro in relation to the micropolitics on the ground for a better theoretical understanding of democracy and power in rural governance, in particular its gendered implications. I argue that past collaborative relations between the civil society and the state’s administrative apparatuses as well as the current focus of rural policy have enabled the state to hand over service functions to the civil society and diluted their ‘voice,’ incongrously endangering the institutional basis of rural policy itself. Further, attention to the gendered micropolitics of associational life makes apparent cleavages within civil society and its underlying relations of gender and power that challenge current conceptualizations on the neoliberalization of rural policy.  相似文献   

10.
It is increasingly argued that we are entering into a “biotech century”, in which biotechnology promises major advances in agricultural productivity. The development of biotechnology is not a straightforward affair, however, and the advent of GMOs has led to public protest and consumer resistance. This paper draws upon a comparative Australian-UK project concerned with the role of regulation and governance in mediating the debates and managing the associated risks. Regulatory responses and the mediation of conflicts by the Australian and UK governments have been shaped by the institutional and policy environments in these two countries. The implications of these public debates and regulatory responses for the capture of competitive opportunities are considered. The fact that the two countries have broadly similar systems of governance and regulation reveals how alike the circumstances are in many respects. But at the same time there are important differences in both the style and the content of the policy debates. In both the UK and Australia, the respective central governments remain committed to a ‘biotechnology future’. Against this background, there is little doubt that the choices about biotechnology will play a defining role in shaping the future of rural places.  相似文献   

11.
This paper explores the powerful and mediating role of celebrity chefs over audience relationships with food through analysis of Jamie Oliver and his recent series Save with Jamie. The paper firstly situates the role of celebrity chefs theoretically, defining them as ‘talking labels’ who may act both as knowledge intermediaries and boundary objects to connect audiences with food in multiple ways. Here chefs actively construct and mediate discourses around ‘good food’. As trusted, credible, well-liked public figures, chefs step into out private home spaces through our televisions to convey food information in a charismatic, entertaining and accessible way. Like traditional food labels, chef’s words can be ‘sticky’ and take hold in public imaginations in a way that goes far beyond the capacity of food products labels. Yet the relationship between chefs and audiences is far from straightforward and so the paper secondly aims to explore how these talking labels are understood and ‘used’ by audiences in their everyday food practices. Drawing selectively from a large scale audience survey (n = 600) as well as the series, Save with Jamie, this paper reveals the different ways that audiences ‘talk back’ to chefs both positively and negatively to create moments of simultaneous possibility and resistance for audience relations with food. This revealed complex relationships between audiences, chefs and food. It also suggests that the powerful work on celebrity chefs functions as part of a new mediated mechanism within today’s food governance.  相似文献   

12.
Ian R. Cook 《Geoforum》2009,40(5):930-478
Although it has many merits, the voluminous literature on urban governance gives scant attention to the actual involvement and positioning of business elites and businesses within Public-Private Partnerships. There is also little consensus among academics as to why the private sector become involved in such schemes. This paper begins to address these issues through a critical empirical examination of how and why the private sector is involved with three English Town Centre Management (TCM) partnerships and the Business Improvement District (BID) subsidiaries all three partnerships have recently developed. In order to do this, the empirical study is guided by a conceptual framework that foregrounds the relationship between (a) the opening up and monitoring of ‘institutional space’ by partnerships and the state, and (b) the motivations and ‘constrained agency’ of the business elites. The paper demonstrates that the positioning of the private sector is more multifarious and fractured than previous studies of urban governance have suggested. It also reveals that business elites and businesses view their participation as an ‘investment’ that needs to accrue significant financial returns and that partnership and state officials are highly selective in their choice of ‘who governs’.  相似文献   

13.
Leah S. Horowitz 《Geoforum》2010,41(4):617-626
To date, the scholarly literature has insufficiently investigated the micropolitical ecology of trust, the ways that different interests and expectations within a community can differentially mediate trust relationships between members of that community and an exogenous institution. This study explores the complexities of, and intra-community disagreements about, Kanak villagers’ decisions about whether to trust information provided by, or seemingly in support of, a multinational mining project in southern New Caledonia (South Pacific). An indigenous protest group challenged the company’s claims that the construction and operation of a refinery would have no harmful effects on local ecosystems. The company construed this opposition as stemming from fear based in ignorance, to which the solution lay in the provision of technical information. However, villagers disagreed as to whether this information was reliable. Meanwhile, many project employees joined the protest group. I argue that this seeming irony may be explained by examining the role of affiliation - defined here as a sense of solidarity with a group, and the desire to maintain that relationship - in establishing trust. Culturally-informed expectations of long-term social relationships and the reciprocal power these entailed, and concerns about long-term economic security, played a large role in determining which affiliations people chose to privilege, which in turn influenced which “scientific” information they chose to trust. Ultimately, I argue for the usefulness of a deeper understanding of relationships between trust, affiliation, and expectations of long-term social and economic relations in analyzing lay persons’ evaluations of science.  相似文献   

14.
A growing body of literature is concerned with urbanization processes in contemporary Vietnam and how the country’s globalizing cities of Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City are increasingly becoming spaces of consumption. However, much less is known about how these changing spaces accommodate labour, and in turn support livelihoods. Using published empirical data on Hanoi’s informal waste collectors from 1992 [DiGregorio, M., 1994. Urban Harvest: Recycling as a Peasant Industry in Northern Vietnam. East–West Center, Hawaii, pp. 1–212] and my own data, including a survey of 575 waste collectors and 44 interviews, collected on Hanoi’s informal waste collectors in 2006, I explore the experiences of informal waste collectors (waste pickers and itinerant junk buyers) in Vietnam’s capital city of Hanoi. I argue that Vietnam’s globalizing economy and urban transition have been a catalyst for the growth of the informal waste collector population in Hanoi as well as a partial player in the gendering of this group and the work they undertake.  相似文献   

15.
Alex Loftus 《Geoforum》2009,40(3):326-334
This paper seeks to explore the radical democratic potential in urban artistic interventions. It does so through bringing Gramsci’s concept of nature together with his ‘cultural writings’ and broader debates around avant-garde artistic practice. Empirically, I focus on the work of City Mine(d), a Brussels-based interventionist collective, and Siraj Izhar, a London-based artist-activist. Within Gramsci’s writings, I argue, socio-natural relationships emerge through sensuous activity or work. Making a somewhat more ambitious claim, I suggest that Gramsci’s concept of nature rests on what geographers have come to understand as the production of nature. Whilst attention has only recently turned to this implicit political ecology, much greater attention has been focussed on Gramsci’s cultural insights. For Gramsci, cultural struggles are an integral part of the effort to shape a new reality. Whilst he emphasises the ‘bottom up’ nature of such struggles, the intervention of enlightened outsiders is often a necessary and frustrating complement. However, by turning attention to the manner in which hegemony relates to the production of nature, and through bringing this into dialogue with radical artistic practice, such implicit elitism might be challenged. City Mine(d) and Izhar, I argue, develop a non-vanguardist politics that sees the contestation of hegemony as a struggle integral to the day-to-day nature of cities.  相似文献   

16.
Global food price volatility began shortly after Gorton and Rouwenhorst (2004, 2006) recognized that commodity index speculation was financially underexploited by institutional investors. Pro-commodity speculation and pro-index speculation arguments were not new, but gained new significance when the US Mortgage and Global Financial crises began to unfold and investors were looking for new places to funnel money. The literature has linked financial speculation by index funds and hedge funds to global food price volatility and the food riots in 2008 and 2011. The literature, however, leaves readers with the perception that index funds and hedge funds alone created the recent wave of commodity futures speculation. This paper argues that a small but important group of intellectuals were vital to the promotion and regulation of commodity speculation by index funds and hedge funds, which has affected the world as a whole.  相似文献   

17.
Indian metropolises have witnessed the growth of ‘new towns’ on their peripheries over the past two decades, which have attracted investment as well as affluent residents. Most research on new towns examines the contentious politics of land acquisition and development, but less is known about urban governance and everyday life. This article focuses on solid waste management in Noida, a new town on the periphery of Delhi that has been unable to develop a large-scale waste management system, and we have two main foci. First, we show that the municipal government has sought to regulate waste collection, while waste processing and disposal have remained unregulated and this has discouraged the entry of medium and large-scale private enterprises. Second, we explore the contentious politics surrounding actually existing waste management practices that have emerged in the absence of significant public or private investment. Most waste is managed by small- and medium-sized enterprises in the informal sector, so associations that represent the so-called ‘new’ middle class must interact with informal-sector waste workers. These interactions result in moderately high levels of waste collection but waste disposal remains haphazard and this exposes the limits of the new middle class’ control over urban space. Ultimately, we show how municipal governance and the actually existing politics and practices of waste management contribute to the production of Noida’s socio-spatial landscape.  相似文献   

18.
Alec Brownlow 《Geoforum》2005,36(5):581-592
Men are at significantly greater risk than women to violent crime victimization in the US, especially in the public sphere. Despite this, their fears and vulnerabilities have received considerably less attention in recent social discourse than have women. Men’s risk in, and fear of, public space is overshadowed by their apparent fearlessness in public space. This paper begins to address this apparent paradox using the conceptual lenses of masculinity and control. I explore fear and fearlessness among men as objects and subjects of masculinity. Stated fearlessness among men is counterbalanced by a chronic fear of violent crime victimization. Conditioned fearlessness combines with actual risk and chronic fear to shape men’s experiences in the public sphere. I study the dynamics of men’s fear using data gathered from a group of young men and women in Philadelphia. Gendered differences in fear and how environments are perceived and judged as to their relative safety are demonstrated and explored. Compared to women’s fears and perceived geographical vulnerabilities, the men of this study demonstrate a persistent and chronic wariness of their environmental context that precedes any judgment of perceived safety. Violence and fear among both men and women in this study is further explained as a function of racism and economic marginalization.  相似文献   

19.
This study contributes to the existent literature on neoliberal urban governance examining the process-based character of this formation. I maintain that neoliberal governance is a fluid and evolving formation which is continuously being constructed and reconstructed beneath a rhetorical veneer of inevitable emergence and permanence. In this context, this work examines the interconnections between neoliberal urban ascendancy, changing rhetoric and urban waste management policies, and waste pickers (cartoneros), in a case study setting, Buenos Aires. Since 2002, the neoliberal urban governance in Buenos Aires (its institutions, programs and policies) has mobilized different rhetoric and policies to negotiate the waste pickers’ “disturbing” and “dirty” presence in the streets. In that process, the waste pickers, originally marginalized and stigmatized by the neoliberal discourse, have been regulated and disciplined into legal and “well behaved” workers. I would argue that, regulating this activity does not entail giving the waste pickers an opportunity to become central actors in the future of urban waste management in the city. Rather, it is compatible with the logic of the local neoliberal urban projects, focused on disciplining the city’s physical and social landscape as new opportunities for growth and development continue to emerge.  相似文献   

20.
Kean Fan Lim 《Geoforum》2010,41(5):677-688
China’s growing geo-economic clout globally has attracted significant research attention over the past few years. Rather than strictly adopt a national-specific and path-dependent perspective, this paper offers a nuanced perspective on the rationale of Chinese economic expansions overseas. I propose we view China’s growing geo-economic influence as a relational development, inextricably connected to broader changes in global capitalism, especially the failure of the US government to maintain confidence in the dollar. The paper probes critically the underlying logics of two recent developments: (1) the role of the China Investment Corporation (a new sovereign wealth fund) and state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in accessing new markets worldwide; and (2) the policies to extend the global reach of the Chinese yuan. I argue that these phenomena are concatenated to China’s broader aim to secure domestic economic security, given its vast holdings of dollar reserves and its macroeconomic constraints through the maintenance of a fixed foreign exchange regime. These developments in turn contour and sustain the evolution of the variegated global system of capitalism.  相似文献   

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