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1.
Nir Cohen 《GeoJournal》2007,68(2-3):267-278
This paper deploys a critical discourse analysis methodology to examine the emergence of three (sometimes overlapping) discourses on emigration in Israel. It examines the linkages between the various discursive phases and processes of (trans-) national identity formation among emigrants. It argues that emigration discourses have often been strong predictors of subsequent changes in state policies—and other programmatic initiatives—aimed at Israeli citizens abroad. By juxtaposing the discursive construction of emigration (and its linkages to nation-forming political strategies in Israel) and the effects they have had on emigrant identities the paper contributes to the emerging literature on state-diaspora relations and transnational politics. 相似文献
2.
When the Zionist executive abandoned Jewish rights to Trans-Jordanian Palestine, Jabotinsky established the Revisionist movement from which Etzel the Jewish right-wing underground movement in Palestine developed. This was the precursor of the Herut (Freedom) Party, from which the Likud party emerged in September 1973 to challenge the Labour Alignment (headed by the Israel Labour Party). Between the War of Independence (1948) and the signature of the Camp David accords (1978), the Government of Israel came under strong international pressure to solve the problem of the Arab refugees. During this time, dramatic changes took place in Herut's ideology and political status. In 1948, Herut was an outcast political party with a radical ideology, demanding the establishment of a Jewish Commonwealth on both sides of the Jordan. It perceived the Arab refugees to be a potential fifth column and the contiguous Arab states to be inimical. It strenuously opposed the Mapai led political Establishment's willingness to sign Armistice Agreements and make compromises with regard to Arab refugees. After Levi Eshkol replaced Ben-Gurion as the head of Mapai, Herut began to become part of the Israeli consensus and a member of the political Establishment. Herut served in Levy Eshkol's National Crisis Government before and during the 1967 war, and as the major force of Gahal, after the war. Concomitant with this, there were great changes in Herut's expressed ideology, chief among these were the tacit renunciation of trans-Jordan Palestine as part of the Jewish Commonwealth and the explicit acceptance of the Arab refugees as potential citizens of the State of Israel. 相似文献
3.
Izhak Schnell 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):221-234
The transition to globalization, socio-cultural fragmentation and an era of peace all constrain Zionism to a restructuring in its territorial perspectives. In the nation-building era, Zionism made the territory the focus of Zionist activity, which necessitated seizing territory, controlling it, and creating an affinity and attachment and a bond of identity between the nation and the territory. Pure colonization as a central strategy for realizing these national goals originated mainly from the unique historical circumstances of Zionism and from the adoption of an ethno-national ideology. This also led to the Palestinian-Jewish conflict that concentrated on the control of territory. The national economy regime that influenced Israel in different ways also served the territorial ideology to a great degree. Peace borders will require Israel to cooperate closely with Jordan, Palestine, Syria and Lebanon in managing resources, external influences and additional common interests. The peace economy will integrate with the multi-national economy. Furthermore, in the reality of peace, Israel will have to abandon the internal colonization of areas populated by Israeli Arab citizens and give greater legitimation to their more prominent inclusion the Israeli identity. It will also become difficult for any elite group to dictate the national agenda to other marginal groups, such as Israeli Arabs, and Sephardic or Orthodox Jews, each group creates for itself considerable degree of autonomy in its own territory. In the main, the national periphery divides into an Israeli Arab periphery beside the periphery of the traditionally religious Sephardic Jews. The ultra-Orthodox Jews take control of increasingly larger Israeli space and expanding the horizons of their public involvement beyond their traditional ghettos. Each group creates for itself a different symbolic space with differing views concerning the limits of Israeli sovereignty. 相似文献
4.
After decades of relative silence, the study of frontiers and boundaries is resuming a prominent place in political geography.
The impetus for the revival of limology (border studies) comes from the global context of a post-Cold War order, which has
led to challenges to existing political arrangements, and from the identity turn in human geography and related disciplines.
The study of frontiers and borders needs to be integrated into the main theories of the discipline. World-system theory, long
criticized for its lack of a territorial footing, offers an opportunity for extension of its three geographic scales (world-economy,
nation-state and locality) to incorporate two newly-emerging spatial dimensions at the macro-regional (bloc) and sub-national
levels. Global and geopolitical trends, as well as shifting identities at national and sub-national scales, are reviewed and
their effects on the changing scales of territoriality are reviewed. A geographic model illustrating the shifting and overlapping
nature of borders is developed based on the contemporary developments in Eastern Europe. The case of contemporary Ukraine,
as an example of state-and nation-building, shows these geopolitical changes as complex and dynamic.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
5.
Amnon Kartin 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):273-282
The demand for scarce fresh water requires Israel to cease squandering this limited resource on agriculture, at present consuming about 70% of the annual supply. Environmental pollution must cease as well, for untreated urban water effluent contaminates ground water. All Israel's 700 million cubic metres sewage water must be suitably purified to irrigate about one hundred thousand hectares. Climatically controlled greenhouses and advanced agricultural research will reduce the amount of water and land required for the cultivation of the fresh vegetables and fruit, and small proportion of the dry fodder needed for the country's consumption. Israeli agriculture's association with moral, ideological and social ideas obstructs meaningful reduction in the allocation of water to agriculture. The Zionist movement has always seen transforming land into a means of production as the index of its success. Failure in this would signify an inability to adapt to adverse environmental conditions and be a sweeping repudiation of Zionism. The protracted Israeli-Arab national conflict also affects water policy. Israeli Jewish society has always considered rural settlement, agricultural activity, as part of the substance of its national identity and power, bonding the people with the land and consolidating territorial sovereignty. Since the 1970s, capitalism, which has dominated Israeli ideology, has favoured the individual's interests over the community's. Thus agriculture is mobilized to accommodate the private struggle for the good of the farming sector against the needs of the national collective. 相似文献
6.
《Geoforum》2015
Based on an examination of Israel’s territorial conceptions, strategies, and achievements since the establishment of the state, this article shows how state territoriality subsumes ideology and political agendas and may, under certain circumstances, lead the state to negate its very self-conceptions and harm its own perceived interests. Its analysis pays special attention to the state’s inadvertently produced territories of negation, which run counter to its own conception of territoriality, and considers the kind of social–spatial entities produced by the state. It also considers Israeli territoriality’s more recently asserted goal of shaping Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, in addition to the goals of controlling Jerusalem and Judaizing the Galilee and the Negev. To illustrate the theoretical assertion that discriminatory and marginalizing state territoriality has the distinct potential to bring about its own negation, the article concludes with two prominent expressions of this phenomenon. The first is manifested in green-line Israel, where the state’s territorial policies and the resulting marginalization of the Palestinian minority has resulted in collective resistance against the state and its policies, basic Jewish-Israeli symbols such as the anthem and the flag, and Israel’s very definition as a Jewish State. The second is manifested in Israel’s inadvertent creation of bi-national spaces both within Israel proper and in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, indirectly promoting the solution of a single bi-national state and posing a serious challenge to the very goals that Israeli territoriality has consistently strived to achieve. 相似文献
7.
Kees Terlouw 《GeoJournal》2018,83(3):525-543
This paper discusses the different ways in which local identities are used in two Dutch municipalities. Like all local administrations these Dutch municipalities have to deal with external forces by plotting their own course between closing-off and opening-up. Local identities are used not only for resisting external threats like municipal amalgamations, but also to attract external resources. It proved useful to distinguish between primary identity discourses based on the widely recognised dominant characteristics of the local community, and secondary identity discourses based on how communities within a municipality have over time learned to deal with these different primary local identities. During an amalgamation this secondary identity discourse disappears with the old municipality. The disappearance of the protective shield of a secondary identity discourse can threaten the underlying primary local identities, and can bring local identities into the centre of the local political debate. A perceived external threat frequently changes the character of these local identities. They can become more inward oriented, focus more on their historical roots and their differences with others; they ‘thicken’ into resistance identity discourses. In other cases the secondary identity discourse of a municipality is too weak and indistinct to support the primary local identities of its communities. Municipal amalgamation can then help to promote a new more attractive secondary, ‘thin’ regional identity discourse based on a selection of characteristics used in established primary local identity discourses. 相似文献
8.
Yosseph Shilhav 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):247-259
This paper concerns the internal political controversy that polarises the concepts of sanctity and sovereignty over Eretz Yisrael (The Land of Israel; Palestine). The controversy has deep religious roots in the history of the Jewish people's bonds with their country. The historical elements of which derive from a longing for religious perfection, which included observing Commandments associated with the Land. The destruction of the Temple, the Exile and the devastation of Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel broke the chain of such continued observance. Polarisation of the concepts of Sanctity and Sovereignty accentuates the problem of the relation between political sovereignty and national bonds with it. The association of religious affinity with the relatively recent phenomenon of Nation-State sovereignty led many to see religious connotations in political sovereignty. The traditional, religious bond with Eretz-Yisrael, which many of the more secular Israeli public also feel, has existed for generations; conversely, national sovereignty continually changes form, not always conforming to traditional, religious perceptions of dominion over the Land. This raises problems about the link between Jewish religious laws and the political world. Abandoning the knit between national sovereignty and religious bonds may lead to the loss of religious and cultural bonds. The conflict between beliefs and opinions on the one hand and new objective circumstances on the other leads to confrontations that may cause serious harm. Time becomes critical and expediting the processes of appeasement and adaptation is a matter of redoubled importance. 相似文献
9.
Joni Virkkunen 《GeoJournal》1999,48(2):83-89
Identity has become one of the core concepts of political geography. This reflects the wide recognition of a post-structural conception of society and space, as well as the acknowledgement of the political character of identity. The present article focuses on the politics of identity, and discusses the politicized forms of identity as related to the Soviet state building policies and the Estonian spaces of resistance. It will be argued that neither identity nor the political demand in Soviet Estonia can be viewed in isolation from their historical and social contexts. Both Soviet state politics and the Estonian spaces of resistance reflected the prevailing conceptions of past and the contemporary political realities. This article examines those preconceptions of the political and territorial development in Soviet Estonia, and also illustrates the interdependent character of state politics and non-state activism. The first part of the article concentrates on the Soviet state building practices – the use of power, symbols, education – and the second part examines the various forms of non-state activism of Estonians. 相似文献
10.
Leon Sheleff 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):297-309
Jewish tradition refers to the city of Jerusalem in both abstract and concrete terms, celestial Jerusalem and earthly Jerusalem. The two are intricately bound up with each other and Jerusalem, the eternal capital city of the Jewish people, derives its powerful mystique, from its original appearance in Jewish history, although Biblical Jerusalem, the ancient city surrounded by hills, and modern Jerusalem, the capital city of Israel, surrounded by satellite urban appendages, lack geographical congruity. In general, this is geo-politically relevant given the potent sensitivities that most Jews in Israel and elsewhere have for the symbolic value of their ancient capital. Significantly, most of the Arab inhabitants the capital city of Israel, are not Israeli citizens and the vast majority of them refuse to participate in municipal elections, even though Israeli law allows non-citizens who are permanent residents to vote in local elections. That Israel permits several countries to maintain separate consulates, in the western and eastern parts of Israel's capital, indicates Israel's implicit recognition of a dual status in Jerusalem. After the 1967 war, while careful to avoid using the formal language of annexation, Israel generally considered that east Jerusalem and some surrounding areas had become part of Israel, when by Basic Law: Jerusalem, the Capital City, it was declared to be the united and eternal capital of the State of Israel. This paper examines these political and legal developments. 相似文献
11.
G. Falah 《GeoJournal》1995,37(1):145-160
The purpose of this paper is to examine the future geopolitics of the Middle East against the backdrop of the Gulf War crisis and its aftermath. Special attention was given to the case of Palestinians and their search for peaceful solution to their territorial conflict with Israel. It is suggested that in an era of a new world order most Middle Eastern governments will give priority to their domestic problems, gearing toward power sharing at home and evolving a certain degree of liberalizations as an attempt to be accommodated within a worldwide sphere of social, economic and political reconciliation. Having overcome the post-Gulf political isolation, the Palestinians are now in a better position to make their claim for self-determination recognized. Ultimately, the fulfilment of such claim is desirable for achieving lasting peace and regional stability. This paper also proposes concrete suggestions for future Palestinian territorial behaviour addressed mainly to the Palestinian government to be considered while they are engaging in peaceful negotiations with Israel. 相似文献
12.
Oren Yiftachel 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):283-293
This paper uses a critical political-geographical perspective to account for the high centrality of power found in Israel. It suggests that the concentration of power have not been solely caused by national solidarity and integration or by metropolitan development, as commonly explained, but also by the territorial `fracturing' of the main social and ethnic groups in Israel/Palestine. This has prevented the emergence of effective pressure for regional devolution. Israel's character as a settler and settling state, and its central project of Judaizing contested territories, enabled the Israeli `ethnocracy' and its (mainly Ashkenazi and secular) elites to create a political geography of `fractured ethnic and social regions'. Dispersing minorities and legitimizing segregation and inequality, all in the name of the `national interest', achieved this. The Israeli political landscape is therefore organized as `fractured regions', each representing a distinct and interconnected, yet geographically dispersed, set of localities, and resembling a `chain of beads'. The logic of dispersal and segregation, in turn, has also influenced patterns of development and residential separation within Israel's main urban areas. Thus, ethnic and social fragmentation and conflict, and not a putative process of national or metropolitan integration, can explain much of Israel's highly centralized power structure. 相似文献
13.
Dr. Izhak Schnell 《GeoJournal》1992,28(4):465-473
It seems that beyond differences among the drawings several generalisations may be made, relating to the ethno-spatial relations in Israeli Palestinian adolescents' perceptions, two years after the emergence of the uprising.
相似文献
| – | - Israeli Palestinian adolescents tend to adopt a nationalistic identity that to a large extent denies its Israeli civilian component, and thus tends to deny any shared identity with the Jewish sector. This is a shift from the Israeli Palestinians' political consensus which stresses the struggle for civilian and social equality. |
| – | - The Israeli Palestinian adolescents fully identify themselves with the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, perceiving the uprising there as the major source of stimulation for the formation of a Palestinian identity. |
| – | - The PLO is perceived as the only political leadership which supports the Palestinians, including Israeli Palestinians, and offer a tangible sense of control over their destiny. |
| – | - The Palestinian identity crises (incuding the Israeli Palestinians) will be solved through the PLO military struggle for independence and peaceful compromise with the Jewish state. |
| – | - The elder adolescents, who have developed more sophisticated spatial abilities and have crystalised their collective identity, tend to attribute Palestinians and Jews with separate territorial bases, while the younger ones tend to ignore the territorial aspects of identity and inter-group relations. |
| – | - The compromise will lead to coexistence between two separate political identities which split the territory west of the Jordan river equally. |
| – | - The adolescents at the age of 13–14 represent strong awareness of the Palestinian national struggle and they clearly identify with a tendency to separate themselves from the Israeli state and join a Palestinian identity led by the PLO. If this is the milieu in which they form their identity for the future, one may conclude that the uprising succeeded in increasing unity and solidarity at least between the Israeli Palestinians and the Palestinians of the Occupied Territories around a more crystalised and determined national identity. |
14.
Shlomo Hasson 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):311-322
Jerusalem is a city of many contrasts. It is a historical-symbolic city, revered by Muslims, Christians and Jews. However, its citizens segregate ethno-nationally, culturally and socially, into different identity groups: Jews and Arabs, Haredi (`ultra-Orthodox') and secular Jews, and lower and upper class socio-economic groups. This essay focuses on how political and social struggles over territories reshape the nature of the identities of four distinct groups in Jerusalem. These are ethno-national groups (Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs), cultural groups (ultra-Orthodox Jews, in Hebrew Haredim (zealots), and non-Orthodox Jews), ethno-social groups (disadvantaged groups mainly of oriental descent, in Hebrew Mizrahim and advantaged groups) and economic and ecological groups (the business sector and inhabitants of private residential areas of the city). Thus, long-term historical processes have produced distinct ethno-national, cultural and social identity groups, which occupy specific territories within Jerusalem. The different groups have endowed their territory with dissimilar geopolitical, cultural, and economic meanings and played a major role in the reconstruction of national, cultural, social and ecological identities in the city. The city of Jerusalem is not only a spiritual centre associated with age-long dreams for peace and justice, it is also a violent city, rife with tensions and conflicts, a symbol of national, cultural, economic and ecological struggles. Perhaps the greatest challenge facing all those concerned about its future is whether Jerusalem's universal image of a spiritual, tolerant and just city can overcome its current, particularistic and conflict ridden image. 相似文献
15.
Yong-Woong Kim 《GeoJournal》2001,53(1):5-15
In the early stages of economic development in Korea, national territorial planning was used as a policy tool to guide spatial structure and to provide physical infrastructure for urban and industrial development. Such a top-down approach was inevitable because Korea maintained the centralized political and government system until the early 1990s. Circumstances, however, have changed recently since the 1990s with progress in democratization and localization. In addition, forces of globalization are making significant impacts on the parameters of national territorial planning. Reflecting these changes in both internal and external conditions, the Fourth National Territorial Plan (2000–2020) has adopted a different approach from the past three territorial plans. This paper reviews the socio-economic background that necessitated such changes in approaches to national territorial planning. A major thrust of the Fourth Plan, a focus on emergent or anticipated planning issues in Korea, is discussed. Finally, the paper examines the rationale for long-term strategic planning in the highly fluctuating situation facing Korean society in the new century. 相似文献
16.
《Geoforum》2017
Mobilities in settler states have become a defining feature of indigenous spatiality. This is mainly due to the structural disadvantage of indigenous communities in relation to urban locations. In Israel, Palestinian citizens are relocating to Jewish cities because of systemic discrimination, primarily in the allocation of land and housing construction permits in Arab locales. Yet, as this paper shows, their movement is neither unidirectional nor an one-time event, but ongoing and circular. Able to enjoy only certain economic and social rights in indigenous spaces and other rights in settler spaces, Palestinian citizens continuously commute between the two. Utilizing a human rights based approach, the paper unpacks Palestinian mobility practices to illuminate a lacuna in the literature, which has overlooked the quest for rights as a driving force of indigenous mobilities. The paper further demonstrates that circular mobilities become a generative act that connects the settler city to neighboring localities in a way that undermines the separation between ‘Jewish’ and ‘Palestinian’ spaces, and collapses the distinction between the ‘urban’ and ‘regional.’ Rather than attempting to integrate within the city, Palestinians incorporate the city within their own ethno-regional topography, thereby asserting their presence and a claim to the city-space itself. 相似文献
17.
This paper examines how neoliberal development discourse contributes to the production and maintenance of problematic gendered hierarchies and spaces. By interrogating the basic assumptions undergirding this discourse, this paper explores how neoliberalism produces spaces which normalise certain identities—especially those associated with individualism and economic rationality, and makes errant values such as communalism and altruism. Drawing on perspectives from feminist geographies, we argue that by normalising and privileging certain masculine identities, neoliberalism reinscribes and legitimizes gendered power relations that are counterproductive to addressing HIV/AIDS. The ‘ideal’ person fighting HIV/AIDS in the neoliberal framework is rational, competitive and self-interested, but these characteristics are complicit in worsening HIV prevalence and mobilize problematic gender roles and identities. Given the pervasiveness of this ideology in Malawi, we propose ways in which families, communities and institutions can challenge and reshape gender identities and potential solutions to HIV within this context. 相似文献
18.
Vladimir Kolossov 《GeoJournal》1999,48(2):71-81
The author examines some specific features and the post-Soviet changes of ethnic and political identities. He stresses the existence of supranational, mixed, blurred and `hierarchical' identities and of the complicated overlapping of national (political) and ethnic identities. Factors influencing their evolution in the context of nation- and state-building in the Russian Federation and in the other former Soviet republics are analyzed: language policy, creation of the national informational space, invention of national myths and stereotypes, and economic leverages used by ethnic political elites. 相似文献
19.
国土空间类型的综合划分是其后续规划、开发利用与保护的基石。首先,基于现有国土空间的主要类型及其深入划分的现实需求,选取空间维度、空间性质、使用用途、矿产资源价值/矿业空间规模和地下工程/空间规模作为文中对国土空间类型进行进一步划分的主要依据;其次,基于上述主要依据提出了较为完善的国土空间类型划分方案与体系,其涵盖了包括二维平面视角和三维立体视角的29类和45亚类陆域和海域国土空间;最后,简要分析了以上提出的不同类型国土空间的主要特征和规划开发要点,为其实现良性四维规划开发利用与保护提供了重要依据。 相似文献
20.
Anssi Paasi 《GeoJournal》1997,43(1):41-50
National identity has become a catchword in discussions of the relations between culture and nation-states during recent decades. Narratives of nation have become crucial in the definition of the individual, so that other identities are usually understood only as slightly modifying it. The present paper starts from the fact that nation, national identity and nationalism are contextual and co ntested categories, and suggests a critical approach, labelled as the institutionalization of territories, which should evaluate the practices and ideological mechanisms involved in the production and reproduction of territories and their identities. The institutionalization of the Finnish territory and the representations of Finnish national identity are analysed as concrete examples. It is argued that national identities develop and change continually, so that each generation modifies it according to existing socio-cultural situations. Certain critical historical periods and specific natural and cultural elements seem to be crucial in the narration of Finnish identity. 相似文献