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1.
Dr. Izhak Schnell 《GeoJournal》1992,28(4):465-473
It seems that beyond differences among the drawings several generalisations may be made, relating to the ethno-spatial relations in Israeli Palestinian adolescents' perceptions, two years after the emergence of the uprising.
相似文献
| – | - Israeli Palestinian adolescents tend to adopt a nationalistic identity that to a large extent denies its Israeli civilian component, and thus tends to deny any shared identity with the Jewish sector. This is a shift from the Israeli Palestinians' political consensus which stresses the struggle for civilian and social equality. |
| – | - The Israeli Palestinian adolescents fully identify themselves with the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, perceiving the uprising there as the major source of stimulation for the formation of a Palestinian identity. |
| – | - The PLO is perceived as the only political leadership which supports the Palestinians, including Israeli Palestinians, and offer a tangible sense of control over their destiny. |
| – | - The Palestinian identity crises (incuding the Israeli Palestinians) will be solved through the PLO military struggle for independence and peaceful compromise with the Jewish state. |
| – | - The elder adolescents, who have developed more sophisticated spatial abilities and have crystalised their collective identity, tend to attribute Palestinians and Jews with separate territorial bases, while the younger ones tend to ignore the territorial aspects of identity and inter-group relations. |
| – | - The compromise will lead to coexistence between two separate political identities which split the territory west of the Jordan river equally. |
| – | - The adolescents at the age of 13–14 represent strong awareness of the Palestinian national struggle and they clearly identify with a tendency to separate themselves from the Israeli state and join a Palestinian identity led by the PLO. If this is the milieu in which they form their identity for the future, one may conclude that the uprising succeeded in increasing unity and solidarity at least between the Israeli Palestinians and the Palestinians of the Occupied Territories around a more crystalised and determined national identity. |
2.
《Geoforum》2017
Mobilities in settler states have become a defining feature of indigenous spatiality. This is mainly due to the structural disadvantage of indigenous communities in relation to urban locations. In Israel, Palestinian citizens are relocating to Jewish cities because of systemic discrimination, primarily in the allocation of land and housing construction permits in Arab locales. Yet, as this paper shows, their movement is neither unidirectional nor an one-time event, but ongoing and circular. Able to enjoy only certain economic and social rights in indigenous spaces and other rights in settler spaces, Palestinian citizens continuously commute between the two. Utilizing a human rights based approach, the paper unpacks Palestinian mobility practices to illuminate a lacuna in the literature, which has overlooked the quest for rights as a driving force of indigenous mobilities. The paper further demonstrates that circular mobilities become a generative act that connects the settler city to neighboring localities in a way that undermines the separation between ‘Jewish’ and ‘Palestinian’ spaces, and collapses the distinction between the ‘urban’ and ‘regional.’ Rather than attempting to integrate within the city, Palestinians incorporate the city within their own ethno-regional topography, thereby asserting their presence and a claim to the city-space itself. 相似文献
3.
Tomer Goodovitch 《GeoJournal》1994,34(4):499-505
This article analyzes the basic structure of aviation in the Middle East and the development possibilities as a result of Israeli-Palestinian cooperation consequent to the peace process. This paper is a first attempt at estimating the advantages and disadvantages of such cooperation to the Israeli and Palestinian economies. In addition, the research leads to an initial formulation of how to maximize the benefits for both parties.Israeli-Palestinian cooperation offers more than objective economic advantages; such cooperation can also form a functional base for a political-policy framework. In economic terms, both sides can benefit from economies of scale and more efficient utilization of the existing facilities, thus avoiding the waste of valuable resources in establishing two sets of aviation facilities. However these economic criteria are not the only advantage of cooperation. In fact, critical operational and security requirements exist as well, both in terms of passenger security and safety, where air traffic control requiring coordination in a limited airways system. Furthermore, trends in the air travel market point to future bilateral agreements on the basis of blocs of nations and not individual countries. Therefore, Isreali-Palestinian cooperation would enable Israel to maintain the existing framework of favorable bilateral agreement with Europa and the United States.Cooperation of this kind is viable both economically and politically, as it avoids political conflicts by providing infrastructure on an equal basis to the Palestinians, either by lease or purchase of Israeli facilities. The primary advantage of joint ownership is that the Palestinians will save the development and construction costs of new infrastructure, while Israel can both develop the existing infrastructure and free funds for economic development. At the same it is possible to take advantage of economies of scale in order to reap the economic benefits of this process. 相似文献
4.
David Newman 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):235-246
Territory remains a central component of national identity in the contemporary political discourse between Israelis and Palestinians, both populations opposing power sharing within the same space, for fear of the other's domination. The contemporary political discourse relates to conflict management and the desire for separate spaces within which national identities are strengthened through territorial/national homogeneity. The Zionist national ideology of most Jewish citizens of Israel has strong territorial roots; hence they reject the post-Zionist post-nationalist ideology, regardless of whether they accept the possibility of change in Israel's territorial configuration or of a diminishment in the importance of the territorial dimension of national struggle. The rights of residency and citizenship even of second and third generation Jewish citizens remain linked with the territorial configurations of a State that will continue to be called Israel and have a national anthem expressing the aspirations of a single, exclusive, national group. But within territorial readjustment, issues of configuration may become less relevant and in it is this sense that post-Zionism focuses on a discourse of territorial pragmatism, rather than the disappearance of territory from the nationality-citizenship debate altogether. It is part of a process of re-territorialization and spatial reconfiguration of political and national identities, not a reversal of territorialization, if only because there is no such thing as a post-territorial notion of the organization of political power. The boundaries of national identity become more permeable, more inclusive, but they do not disappear altogether. 相似文献
5.
Izhak Schnell 《GeoJournal》2014,79(5):619-633
The paper is founded on the argument of moral geography on the one hand and Kolberg’s social-psychological theory of moral judgment in order to expose the ways Israelis morally judge the barrier with the Palestinian authority. I conclude that half of the secular Israelis who prove to make moral judgments based on universal criteria withdraw to more authoritative modes of moral judgment concerning the barrier. Legitimization of the barrier is based on dehumanization of the Palestinians. This trend is especially strong among rightists in the Israeli political spectrum who are more likely to withdraw to authoritative forms of moral judgment than leftists. Both rightists and leftists in Israel judge the moral dilemma based on values of human rights and safety. Rightists tend to emphasize the violent behavior of the Palestinians as a justification to the barrier. The worldview that allows for the withdrawal to authoritative moral judgments that justify the barrier tend to victimize the Israelis and dehumanize the Palestinians. Such a world view serves as a mean to maintain positive self image while managing a contractible conflict. 相似文献
6.
Gwyn Rowley Dr. 《GeoJournal》1992,27(2):217-227
This paper focuses attention upon the existence of a Palestinian refugee population in the land about and immediately adjacent to Israel. It considers both the creation and the continuation of the refugee state within the host communities and the growth occurring within the refugee populations themselves. Some attention will be directed to a consideration of the refugee population vis à vis the dramatic upsurge in the number of former Soviet-CIS Jewish immigrants into Israel, that create further and deepening pressures upon land and water resources and Palestinian refugee matters. The paper is in three main parts following upon a general introduction to refugee studies. Firstly, a quantitative assessment of the Palestinian refugee population incorporates an empirical presentation of base Palestinian population totals and distributions, directing particular attention to growth in the period 1974–90. Secondly, several perspectives are presented as a backcloth to understanding certain of the continuing and mounting tensions within the Middle East in general and among the Palestinian refugee population in particular. Personal experiences of the writer as fieldworker are presented to provide a more general appreciation and awareness of the particular refugee situation within the Occupied Territories. The third part considers the developing and extending yet increasingly fundamental political consciousness among the Palestinian refugees, and certain envisaged reactions, and speculates upon continuing frustrations that are seen to be leading on to dramatic, mounting and extending violence. 相似文献
7.
State formation is a complex process. Using the notion of the ghetto state, the case of the West Bank and Gaza Strip are analyzed. State formation processes among the Palestinians are shown to be a direct reaction to the processes of political and military control put into operation by Israel since 1967. The continued administrative and political separation of the West Bank and Gaza from the dominant Israeli territory enable the Palestinians to formulate their own independent national identity. This includes the establishment of economic, cultural and local political organizations, providing the foundations for future statehood. Such organizational capability is indicative of the wide range of non-violent forms of power which, in many cases, are more effective than direct acts of violence against Israel. The Intifada — or popular uprising — which has been in operation since 1987 has enforced these processes of statehood formation, through its combination of both violent and non-violent forms of power. 相似文献
8.
《Geoforum》2015
Based on an examination of Israel’s territorial conceptions, strategies, and achievements since the establishment of the state, this article shows how state territoriality subsumes ideology and political agendas and may, under certain circumstances, lead the state to negate its very self-conceptions and harm its own perceived interests. Its analysis pays special attention to the state’s inadvertently produced territories of negation, which run counter to its own conception of territoriality, and considers the kind of social–spatial entities produced by the state. It also considers Israeli territoriality’s more recently asserted goal of shaping Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, in addition to the goals of controlling Jerusalem and Judaizing the Galilee and the Negev. To illustrate the theoretical assertion that discriminatory and marginalizing state territoriality has the distinct potential to bring about its own negation, the article concludes with two prominent expressions of this phenomenon. The first is manifested in green-line Israel, where the state’s territorial policies and the resulting marginalization of the Palestinian minority has resulted in collective resistance against the state and its policies, basic Jewish-Israeli symbols such as the anthem and the flag, and Israel’s very definition as a Jewish State. The second is manifested in Israel’s inadvertent creation of bi-national spaces both within Israel proper and in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, indirectly promoting the solution of a single bi-national state and posing a serious challenge to the very goals that Israeli territoriality has consistently strived to achieve. 相似文献
9.
A. M. MacDonald B. É. Ó Dochartaigh R. C. Calow Y. Shalabi K. Selah S. Merrett 《Hydrogeology Journal》2009,17(7):1579-1587
The costs of developing groundwater in the Western Aquifer Basin vary considerably across the West Bank and Israel. One of the main reasons for this variability is the diverse hydrogeological conditions within the aquifer. Using data from recent hydrogeological investigations, an estimate of the variation of both the drilling and pumping costs was calculated and then mapped across the Upper and Lower Aquifers within the Western Aquifer Basin. These groundwater cost maps proved helpful in analyzing the impacts of hydrogeology on water supply, and also in communicating complex hydrogeological information to a broader audience. The maps clearly demonstrate that the most cost-effective area to develop groundwater is along the Green Line—the 1949 armistice boundary between Israel and the Palestinian West Bank. Any migration of this boundary eastwards will affect the cost and feasibility of developing groundwater within Palestine, making abstraction from the Upper Aquifer impracticable, and increasing the cost of developing the Lower Aquifer. Therefore, the separation wall, which is being constructed to the east of the Armistice Line in Palestinian territory, will significantly reduce the ability of the Palestinians to develop groundwater resources. 相似文献
10.
Ron J. Smith 《Geoforum》2011,42(3):316-328
This paper highlights the importance of analysis of the microgeographies of occupation, and the spatially-differentiated means that the Israeli Occupation Forces use to maintain the occupation and create spaces of graduated incarceration for Palestinians. Using the examples of the hinterlands of Qalqiliyah and the old city of Al-Khalil (Hebron) in the occupied West Bank, this paper exposes the microgeographical differentiation the occupation mobilizes in its attempt to enact a panoptic sovereignty over the population, in the process of dispossession. This study challenges geopolitical formations of the state as primary actor, and focuses instead on narratives of Palestinians describing their own experiences of occupation by a hostile state. By relying on popular media, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation, this paper seeks to incorporate a Palestinian vision of life under occupation to challenge traditional geopolitical visions of the Palestinian Israeli conflict, in effect creating a subaltern geopolitical narrative. 相似文献
11.
Elizabeth Mavroudi 《Geoforum》2008,39(1):307-318
This paper puts forward the notion of pragmatic citizenship and forms part of the ongoing re-appraisals of citizenship in relation to national identity in an attempt to make it more relevant and inclusive for those with complex identities, legal status and, in particular, the stateless. Using the case study of Palestinians in Athens to discuss relationships between citizenship, identity and statehood, this paper argues that the notion of pragmatic citizenship can be useful in such re-conceptualisations as it can take into account the potentially ambivalent and multiple feelings of belonging that migrants and those in diaspora may have. In the process it stresses that strong notions of belonging and attachment to a territorialised homeland do not have to be exclusive or problematic. The paper outlines the complexity of Palestinian legal status in Athens and the feelings of injustice statelessness can provoke; it then describes the process of Palestinian acquisition of pragmatic citizenship in Greece. However, the final section of the paper highlights that such a notion of citizenship can have positive repercussions in terms of inclusive visions of a future one-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. 相似文献
12.
David Newman 《GeoJournal》1996,39(4):363-375
The Israel-Palestine peace process has been implemented in a series of stages, beginning with limited Palestinian autonomy
in part of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, followed by the territorial expansion of the self government region to include all
major Palestinian population centers. The current peace process is no more than a transition stage on the way to Palestinian
statehood. Final round negotiations will have to deal with difficult issues of boundary demarcation. This will necessitate
transforming the geographically discontinuos map of the Oslo II agreement into separate and compact political territories.
While shared Israeli-Palestinian spaces would indicate a real move towards peace, continued mistrust and suspicion of each
partner for the other is dictating the creation of separate spaces — for both peoples and territories. This is yet another
example of the continued significance of territorial boundaries as part of the conflict resolution process in areas of ethno-territorial
disputes. 相似文献
13.
Yehuda Gradus 《GeoJournal》2001,54(1):85-99
Unlike other bi-national cities, Eilat and Aqaba constitute a special case in which the interaction between the two cities
is dependent upon external factors, mainly of a political nature. Eilat in Israel and Aqaba in Jordan straddle each side of
the Gulf of Aqaba. Both are similar from a functional aspect: they are port and tourism towns and both constitute a gateway
to east Africa and the Far East. They are both situated in a desert region near a sea. The Oslo Accords and subsequently the
peace agreement between Jordan and Israel, have opened up many possibilities for cooperation and joint development activity.
A number of projects have been put forward, including a joint airport aimed at serving both cities, as well as the shared
use of the seaports. Tour packages from Europe to both cities are another feature that holds a substantial economic potential,
as do connecting roads and joint plans for the preservation of the unique landscape in this region. A border-crossing point
between the two countries has been opened up and tens of thousands of tourists have flocked (mostly from Israel) to visit
nearby Petra and Wadi Ram. Laborers from Jordan have begun to be seen in Eilat, working mostly in construction. The long history
of the Arab-Israeli conflict is still casting a heavy shadow on the great possibilities for cooperation. The signing of a
peace treaty is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for the bringing about of cooperation in the field. The enmity
and the military activity between Israel and the Palestinians, especially during recent months since the outbreak the intifada
for the second time, have resulted in a drastic decline in cooperation that started initially at a slow and hesitant pace
following the signing of the peace treaty with Jordan (1994). The fact that about 60% of the Jordanian population is of Palestinian
origin, causes the Jordanian government to maintain a cautious stance in promoting cooperation with Israel. Thus, the development
of Eilat and Aqaba as a bi-national city is, to a great extent, dependent on the advancement of the peace process between
Israel and all its Arab neighbors, and especially on the outcome of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
14.
G. H. Blake Dr. 《GeoJournal》1992,28(3):365-373
International boundaries in the Middle East are less likely to represent a major source of international stress than is generally perceived. Formal treaties exist for 80% of the regions' land boundaries and current political processes seem to be working in favour of the status quo and territorial stability. Regarding maritime boundaries, over 60 such issues have yet to be delimited throughout the region. Of these, the major maritime boundary disputes are concentrated in the Persian Gulf, while the boundary between Greece and Turkey remains a focus of regional conflict in the Mediterranean Basin. Although the function of international boundaries are changing, the delimitation process can be expected to continue in the Middle East. Given political will to resolve problems of delimitation, the ultimate demarcation of boundaries should progress without serious conflict between states in the region. 相似文献
15.
Kyra Marie Reynolds 《GeoJournal》2017,82(4):701-719
In the last few decades, a growing number of theorists have suggested that the natural environment can be a platform for promoting cooperation between former adversaries and can perhaps contribute to peacebuilding. However, environmental cooperation has not lived up to these claims. In many cases, such cooperation has largely been ineffective and/or inequitable. Therefore, there is a growing awareness that we cannot be overly optimistic at the first signs of ‘cooperation’. It is argued that this reality results from the great complexity inherent in cooperative interactions. This paper explores the nature of such cooperation in two Israeli–Palestinian case studies. The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is one of the longest-running protracted conflicts in the modern era and is currently characterised by a political stalemate. However, there is also a willingness by some at the local level to cooperate. Therefore Israel/Palestine provides an ideal case study. The findings of the paper illuminate the complex nature of environmental cooperation and reveal that even with the presence of good intentions, cooperation at the subnational level is impacted by the broader socio-political structures and contexts within which it is embedded. In these case studies, this is negatively affecting both the nature and scale of the processes and outcomes. Ultimately, these factors are making such interactions limited, unstable and/or prone to collapse. The paper concludes that only by conducting in-depth multi-tiered and context-specific analyses of cooperative processes and subsequently finding ways to overcome the identified barriers can we move towards more successful environmental cooperation. 相似文献
16.
Margo Kleinfeld 《GeoJournal》2005,64(4):287-295
This paper describes the changing discourses of territory in Sri Lanka and their utility in conflict relations. The primordial
homeland has been at the center of Sri Lanka’s armed struggle, in which both Sinhalese and Tamil nationalisms have used claims
of ancient and ethnically determined territories to justify their right to self-determination, territorial sovereignty, and
armed struggle. This identity–territory nexus based on historical argument has been destabilized in Sri Lanka, however. Scholarly
findings suggest that historical linkages between ethnicity and territory in Sri Lanka are highly problematic and are no longer
effectual means for adjudicating territorial desires in Sri Lanka and producing stable homelands. I argue that rights-based
territorial discourses have emerged to enhance the old historical justifications for territorial authority. New narratives
based upon fulfilling or denying human rights have been put to work linking authority to territory based upon moral fitness
and unfitness, political legitimacy and illegitimacy, and ultimately, upon which political actor deserves to rule the territorially
bound population under its control. The first part of the paper examines historical narratives linking national homelands
to identity as well as scholarly work that deconstructs this linkage. In part two, external sovereignty and political legitimacy
are discussed as the starting point for understanding how rights-based discourses justify territorial claims. In part three,
accusations related to human rights violations are described as an important vehicle for shaming political adversaries, undermining
their legitimacy, and making and unmaking territorial claims in Sri Lanka. 相似文献
17.
Early research on contentious issues in world politics suggested that there is an important distinction between largely tangible
and largely intangible issues. Tangible issues are thought to be easier to resolve, while intangible issues can fester for
long periods of time through fruitless negotiations and repeated armed conflict. Research on territorial issues has suggested
that many territorial claims are driven by both tangible and intangible concerns, though, which complicates the analysis of
issue tangibility. The authors argue that territorial issues with greater intangible salience (e.g. historical possessions,
important homelands, sacred sites, identity ties) should be harder to resolve peacefully and should produce more frequent
and severe militarized conflict. Empirical analyses of 191 territorial claims in the Americas and Western Europe (1816–2001)
provide mixed support for these expectations. Territorial claims with high intangible salience are significantly more likely
to experience militarized disputes and wars. Surprisingly, though, states are much more likely to strike peaceful agreements
with their adversaries over territories that are valued for intangible reasons.
*This research was supported by National Science Foundation grants SES-0079421 and SES-0214447. 相似文献
18.
Woodcutting and territorial claims in Mali 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
In Mali, amidst moves toward political decentralization and the transfer of authority to manage natural resources, woodcutting has become an important tool for the assertion of territorial claims by villagers. The decentralization process has itself led to a profound political shake-up between the central state seeking to maintain land ownership and the de facto management of land by customary village authorities. But it is, however, primarily the devolution of forest resource management to village-led organizations that has prompted the cross-scale legitimization and assertion of various territorial claims from 1995 onwards. Based on two in-depth case studies on the outskirts of Bamako, Mali, the authors illustrate how new practices revolving around woodcutting and charcoal-making have been instrumental in intra- and inter-village disputes. At the village level, this transfer tends to exacerbate tenure claims over land and trees with the reactivation of autochthony-related arguments and thus the risk of excluding the most vulnerable social groups which are typically involved in woodcutting. At the inter-village level, this gives villages the opportunity to claim and demarcate boundaries by cutting, painting signs on some trees, or more radically tree felling being carried out solely to demonstrate appropriation. At the municipal level, this transfer leads to political and social adjustments between customary and decentralized authorities, each struggling to build their legitimacy in natural resource management. 相似文献
19.
In South Africa attempts are being made to address the socio-spatial distortions of the apartheid era through a more equitable
distribution of resources, and the re-drawing of municipal geographical boundaries. However, boundaries are not neutral geographic
lines. Boundary changes are often associated with a redistribution of political power and resources. The aim of this paper
is to analyse the effects of the contemporary territorial and administrative restructuring on urban dynamics in South Africa.
More specifically, the focus is on how the process of territorial restructuring impacted on metropolitan areas as well as
on secondary cities and their hinterlands. Examining and elucidating the manner in which various social, economic and political
forces have manifested themselves in the process of boundary delimitation in a major metropolitan centre as well as adjacent
rural areas is a central theme of this paper. There were considerable contestations over the delimitation of new local government
boundaries. Affluent metro authorities like that in Durban were opposed to the spatial extension of their boundaries because
of the costs of the providing services and infrastructure in the deprived margins. Similarly, there was concern that incorporation
of rural areas will result in increased municipal service charges being imposed on these communities. Tensions were heightened
between urban and rural regions because traditional leaders believed that their territorial jurisdiction and authority were
being undermined. In other parts of the country, the merger of traditionally white and black fragments of secondary cities
often resulted in many black locations continuing to be marginalized. There appears to be neither the political will nor the
economic capacity to upgrade these zones of marginalized urban communities. While the Municipal Demarcation Board was largely
successful in eliminating the political geography of apartheid at a macro- scale, this paper suggests that the greater challenge
for government and policy makers is to reduce the socio-spatial and economic inequalities which appears to be still very high
and perhaps increasing.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
20.
Stuart Elden 《Geoforum》2009,40(3):407-417
This paper considers the ways in which Iraq’s territorial integrity has been invoked by the international community, how it was violated by the US-led coalition between 2003 and 2007, and how these acts have called into question the future viability of the Iraqi state. The paper contends that Iraq provides an instructive illustration of how the international legal term of territorial integrity is being pulled apart; where the spatial extent of the state must be preserved at all costs, yet the sovereignty of the state is rendered entirely contingent. Using interviews with key actors within the British context and documentary analysis, this paper examines the political situation in Iraq and the content of the new Iraqi constitution, the rise of factionalism within Iraq, and the report of the Iraq Study Group. In doing so it considers the impact of key decisions concerning Iraq’s sovereignty upon the future viability of the state. 相似文献