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1.
In this paper it is argued that the re-establishment of a metropolitan government in the Greater Copenhagen Area in 2000 (Greater
Copenhagen Authority) is not to be seen as a return to the kind of regional, coordinative authority (Greater Copenhagen Council)
that was abolished in the Thatcherite climate of the 1980s. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s new forms of urban governance,
entrepreneurialism and a higher national priority to the capital region were introduced, which changed the conditions under
which the new metropolitan government is operating. This `contextualization' of the analysis of the two generations of metropolitan
government points to the fact that typologies of metropolitan government, such as the one put forward by Sharpe (1995), often
lacks analytical cogency.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
2.
Daniel Novik Warshawsky 《Geoforum》2010,41(5):763-775
While some non-profits have suffered under the political and economic pressures of neoliberal urban governance reform, others have emerged as important institutional players in local governance regimes. This article highlights how non-profits food banks in Chicago have commercialized in order to respond to increased demand, enhance their institutional independence from government, and reassert their local dominance in emergency food service delivery. From a food bank member agency perspective, the consolidation of food bank institutional power has produced new bureaucratic limitations, user fees, and increased competition. These shifts reveal the rise of metropolitan food banks as important players in neoliberal urban governance regimes, as they control the conceptualization of hunger, management of poverty, and organization of food distribution systems. 相似文献
3.
Emily Eaton 《Geoforum》2008,39(2):994-1006
This paper traces attempts to foster local, sustainable food projects in Niagara, Canada as part of community economic development (CED) projects during two distinct periods of provincial governance. In the first period (1990-1995), social democratic government support for local sustainable food projects through CED can be understood as neocommunitarian in nature. During this time there was a concerted attempt to link local people with access to local food and also to support a relationship between local food projects and agri-tourism. I argue that this neocommunitarian policy was an accommodation to a wider and more global neoliberal hegemony and was underlain by a romanticism of petty commodity production and a tenuous link to social and ecological sustainability. In the second period of governance (beginning in 1995) the progressive conservative government led by Mike Harris pursued particularly virulent, revanchist forms of neoliberal governance. With many of their state supports slashed, Niagara NGOs and activists turned, and were pushed, to more market-led, elitist forms of local food projects and agri-tourism. In these latter food projects, the practices of ecological and social sustainability were significantly hollowed out and their local and light green nature was harnessed as accumulation strategies. The paper is based on interviews conducted in the year 2003 with people involved in various urban and rural food projects (including community gardening, community supported agriculture, local/seasonal cuisine, organic/ecological farming and food box programs). 相似文献
4.
5.
《Geoforum》2016
Communities have increasingly been internalised as subjects with responsibilities in the delivery of urban policy and involvement in broader urban governance. A prominent example is the English New Deal for Communities (NDC) programme that ran between 2001 and 2012. Towards the end of government funding, NDCs were required to develop succession strategies that would leave a ‘legacy’ for their communities. This involved the development of social enterprise bodies that would continue to support community involvement and regeneration efforts through ownership of capital assets, acquisition of public service contracts, and partnership working with mainstream service providers. This paper examines the influence of communities on post-NDC bodies, and the relationship between these organisations and local government, which was a critical agent in the management of the previous NDC bodies. The ‘recognition’ perspective of Honneth (1995), which is concerned with the self-actualisation of actors through inter-subjective relations based on forms of recognition (e.g. respect), is deployed in the analysis of post-NDC bodies. The paper concludes that long term community representatives’ have incorporated market values as a means in which to acquire ‘respect’ from social enterprise professionals, and that there is a lack of recognition by state agents of the role of post-NDC bodies in contemporary urban governance. 相似文献
6.
The establishment of local self-government was a key part of the post-1989 transformation in East and Central Europe. Local
government in both Western and East and Central Europe has increasingly been expected to play a role in local economic development
(LED). Local government is one important agent in the complex processes of building 'institutional thickness' to ensure the
development of local economies and the quality of life of inhabitants. This paper presents the results of a national postal
questionnaire survey of the LED role of the lowest level of local self-government in Poland, the gmina or commune. The paper
establishes a baseline of knowledge regarding: the local economic problems faced by communes; their attitudinal, strategic
and organisational responses; and the main factors which are hindering the communes' LED role.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
7.
Cheryl McEwan 《Geoforum》2003,34(4):469-481
This paper considers the ongoing political transformations in South Africa in the context of debates about good governance and participatory democracy. It first appraises the current transformations of local government in South Africa, focusing specifically on relationships between gender equality and citizenship on the one hand, and local government policy, legislation, and community participation on the other, and then explores meanings of participation and how they inform approaches towards local socio-economic development. The findings of primary research conducted with civil society organisations and black women in communities in the Cape Town metropolitan area are explored through three interrelated themes. First, the model of structured participation that is central to South Africa’s democratic transformation is assessed from the perspective of black women. Second, cultures of alienation, both within local governance structures and amongst black women and the extent to which recent restructuring is combating or contributing to these are explored. Third, how participation policies are dealing with conflict within and between target groups are analysed, whether stakeholder group politics obliterate important differences in interests and whether alternative structures might be more effective in terms of women’s participation and empowerment. Finally, the findings are interpreted in relation to theoretical concepts of good governance and participatory democracy, and the potential and problems of realising South Africa’s transformation process toward developmental local government are assessed. 相似文献
8.
Carlos Nunes Silva 《GeoJournal》2002,58(1):23-32
This article is concerned with the nature of the present governance framework in the Lisbon metropolitan area and with the
conditions responsible for the lack of any consistent intergovernmental and inter-tier co-ordination. It shows how Lisbon,
where a form of metropolitan government was introduced only in 1991, is different from other European cities, but at the same
time similar with regard to the limits associated with the associative or (polycentric) model adopted. The article concludes
by discussing alternative scenarios for the reform of metropolitan government as well as the institutional and policy challenges
facing the Lisbon metropolitan area.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
9.
Claire Bénit-Gbaffou 《Geoforum》2012,43(2):178-189
Party politics are generally absent from urban governance or urban politics theories or debates, or present only anecdotally or as a ‘black box’, whilst they are more and more described, especially in Cities of the South, as central to urban societies, access to resources and social dynamics. This paper attempts, through the case of the role of the ANC in civil society in Johannesburg, to uncover the place and the role of political parties in urban governance. It first argues that the party local branch is often crucial as a platform of mobilization, expression and debates around local needs, being more structured and able to access channels of decision than other civil society organizations or local government participatory structures. However, its strong embededness in urban local societies also means a form of social control restricting the ability of civil society to revolt and challenge urban policies more radically. 相似文献
10.
In South Africa attempts are being made to address the socio-spatial distortions of the apartheid era through a more equitable
distribution of resources, and the re-drawing of municipal geographical boundaries. However, boundaries are not neutral geographic
lines. Boundary changes are often associated with a redistribution of political power and resources. The aim of this paper
is to analyse the effects of the contemporary territorial and administrative restructuring on urban dynamics in South Africa.
More specifically, the focus is on how the process of territorial restructuring impacted on metropolitan areas as well as
on secondary cities and their hinterlands. Examining and elucidating the manner in which various social, economic and political
forces have manifested themselves in the process of boundary delimitation in a major metropolitan centre as well as adjacent
rural areas is a central theme of this paper. There were considerable contestations over the delimitation of new local government
boundaries. Affluent metro authorities like that in Durban were opposed to the spatial extension of their boundaries because
of the costs of the providing services and infrastructure in the deprived margins. Similarly, there was concern that incorporation
of rural areas will result in increased municipal service charges being imposed on these communities. Tensions were heightened
between urban and rural regions because traditional leaders believed that their territorial jurisdiction and authority were
being undermined. In other parts of the country, the merger of traditionally white and black fragments of secondary cities
often resulted in many black locations continuing to be marginalized. There appears to be neither the political will nor the
economic capacity to upgrade these zones of marginalized urban communities. While the Municipal Demarcation Board was largely
successful in eliminating the political geography of apartheid at a macro- scale, this paper suggests that the greater challenge
for government and policy makers is to reduce the socio-spatial and economic inequalities which appears to be still very high
and perhaps increasing.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
11.
Traditional models of urban development are no longer adequate to describe current metropolitan transformations. These are
now at the centre of a debate concerning management and administration. In Italy, delays in resolving problems of urban and
metropolitan government, despite the legal framework provided by Law 142/90, have weighed heavily on the larger urban areas
of the country: Rome, Naples, Milan, which have not been able to tackle the issue of metropolitan government. Recent legislation,
while not providing a pre-defined institutional solution, allows separate administrative districts to collectively establish
metropolitan institutions of `variable geometry'. The Milan urban area is not one city, but a system of mutually-dependent
cities, linked to each other and the rest of the world by a transport network still requiring much investment. The vitality
of its economic structure (especially its small firms) is held back by seriously inadequate infrastructure and low external
economic efficiency. The provincial capital may boast `historic centrality' but the most interesting potential for development
is to be found on the periphery and in the administrative districts immediately surrounding it, in the recovery of derelict
industrial areas and dormitory towns established in the 1950s and 1960s, especially to the north. Recovery of derelict areas,
green areas, and better transport links within the urban area and with the outside world are the key elements in the reorganization
of `Greater Milan'. In this situation of rapid transformation the most appropriate political strategies involve negotiated
planning.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
12.
The modernisation of local government has attempted to reinvent central-local government relations by offering freedoms and flexibilities to facilitate the governance of local issues. At the same time, a shift to outcome focussed targets as a new form of governmental rationality allows central government to delimit these opportunities. Drawing on aspects of governmentality and actor-network theory, the paper explores the tensions between these modes of government. It argues that outcome focussed targets circumscribe the limits of local governance by offering a despatialised technology of government. Using a case study of Local Public Service Agreements, the paper highlights the problems 10 English rural local authorities have experienced in their attempts to construct and negotiate a series of local policy targets with central government. The paper shows how the spatial limitations of statistical governance conspire against the construction of targets which reflect local policy priorities. In conclusion we consider the extent to which these limitations are a deliberate act of control and consider the implications for agency within networks of governmentality. 相似文献
13.
E.Eric Boschmann 《Geoforum》2011,42(6):671-682
The critical perspective in job accessibility research argues that access to employment opportunities in an urban area is a complex process. This paper explores the role of individual level location decision-making as it relates to job access. In US metropolitan areas, a worker must consider where to live, where to work, and how they will commute between these locations – the residential–commuting–employment nexus. But limited work has been done to understand how this home-work link influences job access. This research interviews thirty working poor individuals in the Columbus, Ohio metropolitan area. One unexpected finding was the spatially transitory nature of these individuals’ lives – frequently changing both jobs and residences. Negotiating the nexus is a process of spatial decision-making determined by their individual urban mobility. Residential choice is made based on mobility options, not work location. They have diverse job commuting experiences as their mobility options change over time, and those mobility options often dictate their capacity to access existing job opportunities. From the experience of these individuals, Columbus has a strong local economy with many low-skilled higher paying jobs, but a weak public transit system. This article also contributes a qualitative based research perspective to a body of literature that historically under utilizes the approach. 相似文献
14.
《Geoforum》2017
This article presents the changes that are emerging in the Italian national policies mainly through the discussion of the contents both of the recent metropolitan reform initiative, and the national programming documents for metropolitan cities related to European Programming period 2014–2020. In Italy, which faced severe political difficulty and economic stagnation after 2008 global crisis, the production of the new metropolitan scale became one of the tools for the implementation of austerity measures. The paper examines whether the understanding of the new metropolitan scale in the Italian geography of austerity can be strengthened through a careful engagement with the body of literature on state rescaling and on austerity policies. The paper illustrates how that the apparently neutral emphasis on metropolitan city scale, first can be understood as a crucial tool of an austerity measures; second, it implies a rescaling of public power and, third, it neglects the multifaceted notion of the urban and the trans-scalar territorial governance relationships. 相似文献
15.
Giuseppe Dematteis Giovanna Di Meglio Gino Lusso Anna Segre Augusto Buscaglia 《Geoforum》1977,8(2):89-98
The capitalistic organization of territory and the housing problem in Italy.This paper provides the first results of a research programme regarding the selective and spatially differentiated use of the Italian territory by private capital in the housing sector.According to the 1971 census, in Italy there were 63,8 million rooms for 53,2 million inhabitants. As regards the 1951 census the increase of rooms has been of 26,5 million, i.e. of 70.9%, as against an increase of 15,6% of the population. In this period the investment in dwelling-houses has represented about 30% of total fixed investments which is more than in the other E.E.C. countries.The Italian building stock (with a medium average of 1.2 rooms per inhabitant), is theoretically sufficient to satisfy the population needs. This ratio, however, drops to 1.06 if we exclude the 7.6 million rooms in non-inhabited houses (“holiday houses”, new unsold houses, abandoned homes because of emigration or because of their poor conditions).Moreover, more than one third of the Italian population lives in overcrowded conditions (less than one room per person) and poor standard houses are 40% of the total.This is not only due to the fact that public investments in the housing sector have been insignificant (6% in the last ten years), or to the unequal social distribution of revenue, but also, moreover, to the speculative character of the building activity.The economic analysis shows that between 1951 and 1971, in the expansive stages of housing production, net incomes of the building and land sector have increased more rapidly than the total earned incomes and that they have been higher than the amount of investments in the sector. So, building and land estate rent have been among the main components of the Italian capitalistic accumulation through the exporpriation of a prominent share of wages. At the same time, the ever increasing growth in housing prices both for sale and for rent has forbidden the fulfilment of the needs of the lower classes, extending in an abnormal way the production of luxury and “holiday houses” to satisfy the requirements of the higher classes. This is the cause of the above mentioned contradiction between the amount of the unused or subused building stock and the existence of a large number of sub-standard and/or overcrowded houses.This mechanism of accumulation-expropriation worked because of a specific spatial structure. Its main character consists in a strong geographical concentration of the basic activities and of the population. 53.3% of 1960–1971 housing production has concentrated in 4.7% of the Italian communes with more than 20,000 inhabitants.The analysis carried out on a stratified sample including 1,524 communes allowed us to reach the following results: 1. We find situations of greater unsatisfaction of the needs in the largest industrial metropolitan north-western areas and in the underdeveloped southern communes with strong emigrations. 2. We have had the highest offer for houses, as regards the needs, in the communes with less than 5,000 inhabitants, in the communes with less than 250,000 inhabitants, with prevalently tertiary functions, and in the districts where development is more equilibrated, from a territorial point of view (i.e.: north-eastern Italy). 3. The mechanism of accumulation-expropriation worked mainly in the industrial areas and it grows at the ever increasing growth of agglomerations and urban overcrowding, determined by strong migratory flows. 4. Building activity of tertiary communes has been led, mainly, by the higher-class expansion of consumptions. 5. The same kind of demand has given rise to the strong increase of “holiday houses” which interests large periurban, coastal and Alpine areas. 6. The housing sector becomes in this way a component of territorial disequilibriums, caused by the industrial and tertiary polarization and it is inclined to enlarge them by the artful increase of urban rent. 7. This use of territory has the aim to encourage incomes removal among different social classes and to contribute in this way, to the process of capitalistic accumulation. But, by doing this, it causes a kind of growth, in the housing sector, which is unable to satisfy lower-class needs for houses. 8. The attainment of this last purpose would, therefore, mean an efficient regional planning and the elimination of urban rent, conditions which are in opposition to the maintenance of the present economic and social structure of the Italian economy, of which speculative building and rent sectors are, nowadays, essential components. 相似文献
16.
Literature on common-interest development (CID) in housing, most common in the form of gated communities, has been based largely on the US’s experience, where the interpretation has centered on the interaction between three actors (local government, private developer, and homeowner association) and barely focused on the privatization of neighborhood governance in transition economies. This paper, through a case study of gated community in Phu My Hung new town shows that Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam—in the context of transition from centrally-planned to market-based economy—has been witnessing this privatized phenomenon of neighborhood governance. It employs both primary data, collected through observation and key informant interview, and secondary data to explain the contextual factors for the rise of gated communities in the city and find out the mechanism of neighborhood governance. In the city, housing privatization reforms, influx of foreign direct investment, and the formation of urban middle class have constituted the supply- and demand-side factors for the rise of gated communities. In addition, the reforms towards grassroots participation created a favorable environment for a privatization of neighborhood governance in which the private developer plays a dominant role in partnership with local government and homeowner association. To a certain extent, this privatization is similar to the case of US’s gated communities, however, it does not threaten the public authority and instead maintains a good collaboration between these three actors. This is an indigenous innovation of gated communities in Vietnam due to its socio-economic conditions and political context. 相似文献
17.
A thousand years of loneliness? Globalization from the perspective of a city in a European periphery
Anders Lfgren 《Geoforum》2000,31(4)
Most cities face the challenge of increasing global and local change. Much of what has been said about cities in a globalized world has been concerned with large metropolitan cites. It has been postulated that increased competitiveness is the relevant response, and that urban governance has to change from managerialism to entrepeneurialism in order to cope with this challenge. The first part of the paper discusses some aspects of this body of theory, and the relevance for sub-national regional capitals. It also discusses how the scope of strategies depend on changing national and regional policies. The second part uses the case of Trondheim to discuss how these cities perceive and deal with globalization. Four policy options are discussed; the clientist strategy, the competitive strategy, the isolationist strategy and finally the option of doing nothing at all. The article concludes that global challenges will force local government in small cities to forge new strategies, but the preferred option is a clientist strategy rather than an entrepreneurial one, and the scope of strategy is national rather than global. Thus, when dealing with small peripheral cities and globalization, the range of perspectives must be extended beyond entrepreneurialism and competitiveness. 相似文献
18.
A relationship between globalization, cities and immigration is increasingly apparent. Whether one is trying to understand Dubai, Toronto, or London, immigrants are culturally, economically, and spatially changing cities in significant ways. This study compares the roster of world cities with that of major urban immigrant destinations. The number of major urban immigrant destinations is growing due to the acceleration of immigration driven by income differentials, social networks and various state and local policies to recruit skilled and unskilled labor and replenish population. This study will present urban-level data on the foreign-born for 145 metropolitan areas of over 1 million people. It will focus on the world’s 19 metropolitan areas with over 1 million foreign-born residents. Analysis of the data suggests that there is a range of destination types. Although not all world cities are immigrant gateways, many are. 相似文献
19.
Social actors and their role in metropolitan governance in Montréal: towards an inclusive coalition?
The article is about the role of civil society organizations in the governance of the Montréal metropolitan region. It identifies
a high level of cooperation around metropolitan scale issues on the part of these organizations. In the Montréal region, government
agencies as well as private corporations demonstrate readiness to work alongside civil society organizations on joint projects.
Evidence of this type of collaboration is particularly strong in the case of economic development, neighbourhood revitalization
and cultural initiatives. This form of cooperation is perceived as a manifestation of the so-called “Québec model” and is
an asset for the Montréal metropolitan region. The article demonstrates that interventions that involve social organizations
are more likely to be successful than those that turn their back on these organizations. 相似文献
20.
《Geoforum》2014
This article explores the constraints and contingencies of contemporary urban governance, with reference to the partial privatization (1999) and partial remunicipalization (2012) of the Berlin Water Company (BWB). It outlines the processes through which this major shift in Berlin politics occurred, showing how the mainstream consensus on privatization was disrupted and alternatives to apparent neoliberal conformity emerged. Dynamics apparent in the BWB case – commercialization, privatization, re-regulation, public contestation and remunicipalization – are indicative of the challenges and opportunities of making policy in and beyond the global norms of neoliberalism. It is argued that this case is important because it reveals something about what we might call the “politics of possibility” within the paradigm of neoliberal urban governance: the continuing potential for change within the constraints of an urban governance configured to the logics and needs of markets. Given this, the paper concludes that local contingencies in urban governance problematize sweeping notions of a post-political condition. However observable post-political strategies and outcomes in Berlin and elsewhere are, researchers should not assume that they are inevitably dominant or universal. 相似文献