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1.
Anti-poverty politics in Toronto and Mexico City 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Rianne Mahon 《Geoforum》2010,41(2):209-217
In recent years, governments at different scales in both North and South have been experimenting with alternative methods of alleviating poverty, and redesigning social welfare regimes. While these changes are not entirely congruent across regimes in North and South, there are interesting points of overlap and intersection. The article lays out three broad alternatives to “roll-back” neoliberalism: intrusive liberalism; inclusive liberalism, and a renewed version of social citizenship. It then lays out how these alternatives have played out in anti-poverty politics in Toronto and Mexico City, two sites where creative strategies contesting neoliberalism have been pursued. While both cities occupy a critical place within their respective political economies, they are not usually compared because of their very different positions in the North American division of labour. Yet, as we argue, they face similar challenges in the form of poverty reduction strategies at the national scale that are based on neoliberal principles that do little to meet the needs of their inhabitants. In response, both cities have provided a site for mobilising resources behind alternative anti-poverty policies, inspired by the principles of social citizenship. 相似文献
2.
Network configurations and R&D activities of the ICT industry in Suzhou municipality, China 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
This paper analyzes the network structure and R&D activities of the information and communication technology (ICT) industry in Suzhou municipality, known previously for its local state-directed Sunan model of development. Suzhou, however, has been undergoing dramatic restructuring to remake itself into a globalizing production center. We highlight the significance of the Chinese state and local/regional assets in shaping the trajectories of globalization and regional development, and the increasing importance of domestic markets and regional clusters/agglomeration for foreign ventures. We have found that Suzhou’s development path, heavily dependent on external forces, has made Suzhou a TNC (transnational corporation) satellite district. We also find that the ICT industry in Suzhou has a dual-structure, segmented between foreign-invested enterprises (FIEs) and domestic firms. TNCs tend to network among themselves and their interfirm networks are increasingly domestic and regionally embedded in the Yangtze River Delta, while the linkages between TNCs and local firms are weak. We argue that there is a series of technological, structural, spatial, and institutional “mismatches” that limits the establishment of “global pipelines” of knowledge exchange. We hold that the nature of global-local networks is contingent upon regional endogenous capacities and the specific ways in which global capital interacts with local institutions. Therefore, perspectives on TNCs’ local embeddedness must be positioned in their regional/external networks. We also analyze the constraints placed on Suzhou’s development into an innovative city and promote the integration of global and local/regional assets through development of indigenous capacities. 相似文献
3.
B.Ikubolajeh Logan 《Geoforum》2002,33(1):1-14
The CAMPFIRE program in Zimbabwe is one of a `new breed' of strategies designed to tackle environmental management at the grassroots level. CAMPFIRE aims to help rural communities to manage their resources, especially wildlife, for their own local development. The program's central objective is to alleviate rural poverty by giving rural communities autonomy over resource management and to demonstrate to them that wildlife is not necessarily a hindrance to arable agriculture, “but a resource that could be managed and `cultivated' to provide income and food”. In this paper, we assess two important elements of CAMPFIRE: poverty alleviation and local empowerment and comment on the program's performance in achieving these highly interconnected objectives. We analyze the program's achievements in poverty alleviation by exploring tenurial patterns, resource ownership and the allocation of proceeds from resource exploitation; and its progress in local empowerment by examining its administrative and decision making structures. We conclude that the program cannot effectively achieve the goal of poverty alleviation without first addressing the administrative and legal structures that underlie the country's political ecology. 相似文献
4.
Waste production in cities is increasing with growing urbanization in China. As the incorrect disposal of waste can lead to environmental problems and pollution of groundwater, it is important to asses the suitability of sites for waste disposal. In this paper, 831 waste disposal sites in 295 cities in China were investigated, and suitability assessments of 508 sites were made. The results showed that the number of “suitable”, “moderately suitable”, “barely suitable” and “unsuitable” waste disposal sites accounted for 17.7%, 29.5%, 14.2% and 38.6% of the sites investigated, respectively. The pollution condition of 465 sites was examined, and the results indicated that groundwater in 282 sites was contaminated. Groundwater samples from two polluted sites were collected and analyzed to inform a proposal on urban waste disposal. 相似文献
5.
This paper discusses the provision of water and sanitation services and the related urban impacts in Buenos Aires circa 2005. The first part of the paper focuses on the metropolitan region (BAMR) which is larger than the area served by the Aguas Argentinas S.A. (AASA) concession (i.e. the capital and its conurbano). It highlights a form of institutional fragmentation that is reflected in the diverse management practices of the numerous service providers and results in differentiated levels of and access to services. The paper discusses the technical, economic and regulatory factors that have historically resulted in this institutional fragmentation. The second part of the article focuses on AASA’s water concession agreement. It demonstrates that, although the agreement had an in-built splintering logic, its implementation led to a more “integrated approach” based on the “reality on the ground”. On the whole, the conclusion regarding the application of the splintering urbanism concept to Buenos Aires is a mixed one and depends on the scale of observation. Although at regional level (BAMR), a form of “institutional fragmentation” would appear to be obvious, it is the result of a long and complex historical process and, while recent neo-liberal reforms in service provisions have “cemented” this fragmentation, they did not actually cause it. If we take the AASA service area in isolation, the trend in the decade following the contracting out of the service has been one of improved service provision and access—although this was not achieved through increased integration of the supply system. Finally, in the case of the Buenos Aires metropolitan region, the splintering urbanism thesis defended by Marvin and Graham needs to be nuanced in several significant ways. 相似文献
6.
Maano F. Ramutsindela 《Geoforum》2002,33(1):15-24
This article presents a discussion of one of the first large-scale community based rural land claims in South Africa. The Makuleke land claim was highly contentious, as it involved more than 20 stakeholders: government departments, local communities and their chiefs, NGOs, mining companies, commissions and task teams, and individuals; all pursuing vested and conflicting interests. [According to the former Chief of the Defence Force, General George Meiring, “the whole area (was) riddled with claims. Many of the claims came from people who visited (the area) once in a blue moon” (WildNet Africa, 1997. News File, May 9)]. Moreover, the greater part of the claim lies within the Kruger National Park, thus, drawing statutory environmental conservation policies into the ambit of land reform. The analysis presented here juxtaposes historical material and trajectories of restitution in order to shed light on the contestation between national goals and community interests. 相似文献
7.
Anne Sofie Laegran 《Geoforum》2008,39(6):1991-1999
Based on a study of people conducting ICT based work from home in Scotland and Norway, the article analyses how work is negotiated and integrated with non-paid activities in the household and local community. The article fills a gap in that it focuses on rural contexts rather than the urban work life often depicted in literature on flexibility and work. When work is brought home, a domestication process takes place whereby practices of work are negotiated and integrated into everyday life, sometimes changing common perceptions of where and when work is “in” or “out of place”. While working from home is common in rural areas, the study shows that ICT based knowledge related work is still seen as relatively “out of place”. Drawing on the domestication concept, the study shows how community norms about accessibility, interaction and where to be at certain times, had to be renegotiated when this type of work was conducted from home. Imbued in these negotiations were subtly often tacitly communicated moral conceptions on what constitutes good parenthood (in particular motherhood) as well as “real” work. Both men and women reported benefits in terms of combining family and work obligations when working from home, but the tendency was still for traditional gender patterns to be reproduced. Women tended to fit work around the needs of the children, whereas men saw themselves first and foremost workers. Following the concept “doing gender” some challenged these patterns, but did so carefully in relation to the work organisation as well as the community. The impact of communities in regulating home anchored work suggests there may be a need for communities to take on a more active domestication process as more people conduct ICT based work with the home as the base, opening up the moral and normative geographies for when work is “in” or “out of place”. 相似文献
8.
Roderick P. Neumann 《Geoforum》2008,39(2):728-735
One of Piers Blaikie’s most important contributions to the development of political ecology is his critique of land and resource conservation policy in the global South. In this paper I trace the development of Blaikie’s ideas about the policy relevance of political ecology, focusing particularly on the challenges posed by the introduction of poststructural social theory into the field. I begin by revisiting Blaikie’s earlier critiques of environment and development policy. This will provide the departure point to explore how his thinking on the relationship of theory and policy and of academic and development practices has evolved in subsequent writings. I have invented two personas, “early Blaikie” and “late Blaikie”, to facilitate this task. Second, I want to probe some of the challenges that late Blaikie presents for doing political ecology research, to some extent by pitting early Blaikie against late Blaikie and letting them hash it out. Third, I turn to my own and others’ research and consultation experiences as a way to examine the possibilities for reconciling theoretically driven critiques with policy relevant research. 相似文献
9.
Thomas J. Bassett 《Geoforum》2009,40(5):756-766
Côte d’Ivoire’s adoption of land privatization policies promoted by the World Bank and European Union is producing new land use patterns in the countryside. A centerpiece of these policies is the 1998 Rural Land Law that aims to restructure rural economic life along agrarian capitalist lines. The purported “development” objective of land privatization is to stimulate agricultural productivity based on the assumption that land titling will lead farmers and herders to make greater investments in their production systems. This paper argues that the mobile livestock raising system of immigrant FulBe pastoralists in Côte d’Ivoire is threatened by the new land law. Since mobility is crucial to animal health and fertility rates, I argue that reduced mobility will lead to lower livestock productivity. Although the land law has yet to be implemented, its very existence is leading prospective claimants to test their land rights by planting orchards and lending land to immigrant farmers. The monetization of land lending and grazing rights is increasingly common. Land disputes over who has the power to allocate land are also on the rise. I argue that this heightened interest in “tenure building” is constraining herd mobility, especially for herders with limited resources to negotiate access to rangelands. On the other hand, land privatization is strengthening the hand of local cattle-owning farmers who increasingly practice mobile livestock raising and compete with FulBe herders for grazing lands. Under these new conditions of land access, control, and competition, FulBe herd mobility and productivity are at risk of declining. 相似文献
10.
M. O. Ebong Dr. 《GeoJournal》1986,12(1):95-102
As Nigeria experiences the major thrust of urban growth, urban poverty has become the most intractable phenomenon attracting the attention of concerned observers. Because Calabar Municipality lacks solid economic base it cannot easily absorb its burgeoning population into productive medium and high income occupations. A wide range of interrelated variables, including the people's annual income, their educational level, occupational distribution, residential status and even psychological factors, explain the structure of poverty in Calabar. As a result the poor in Calabar are seen to fall within a wide spectrum of deprivation, ranging from the poor of hope who are capable of moving on their own across the poverty line, to the hopeless poor who require assistance for survival. Thus the study suggests that since a mix lot of factors are involved in the structure of urban poverty the phenomenon calls for a systems approach which takes into consideration the interacting characteristics of the diverse parameters of the whole urban system, in the formulation of anti-poverty measures. Admittedly, any war against poverty in this city is destined to be one of the longest wars in human history. However, it is possible to substantially reduce the yawning gap between the rich and the poor which is the crux of the problem facing policymakers in this city. 相似文献
11.
Peter Lindner 《Geoforum》2007,38(3):494-504
Soviet collectives in general and especially the kolkhozes in rural areas were much more than merely production units. They regulated a significant part of everyday life in the villages and thus have to be seen as all-embracing social institutions, constituting the bedrock for rural communities. Relying on the homogenising effect of the kolkhoz-mechanism most authors who analyse the process of transformation in the Post-Soviet Russian countryside highlight the failures of privatisation and consequently presume continuity and not change. This paper argues, first, that in view of the weakness of the central state in the 90s a considerable leeway existed at the local level for different ways and degrees to implement the reform legislation and, second, that the concrete outcomes of the restructuring can only be adequately understood focusing on interests and power relations on the micro level rather than dealing with farms as such as the ‘acting units’.The common vantage point for most of the kolkhozes was an “alliance for the locale” between management and workers. It had its roots in the fear to become “slaves on one’s own land” if non-local investors would be allowed to buy agricultural land, to remain without infrastructure like streets, water supply and kindergartens if the kolkhoz would be divided up and to lack the machinery to work the private plots without the support of the farms. But beyond this consensus the chairmen of the collective farms could rely on a bulk of different allocative and authoritative resources to stage-manage privatisation. This introduced a highly ‘individual’ moment in the process and led to rising disparities and an increasing disintegration of rural Russia in the 1990s. Using a farm in southern Russia as an example the closer look at these resources and the “failed privatisation” unveils, that not continuity, but hybrid amalgamations of old and new characterise the Post-Soviet Russian countryside. 相似文献
12.
岩溶地区是实施乡村振兴战略的坚中之坚,是极易出现返贫的地区之一,有必要梳理总结岩溶地区消除石漠化贫困的历程、成果和存在的问题,巩固脱贫攻坚成果,夯实乡村振兴的理论基础。本研究以岩溶地区实施重大生态工程的时间节点为主线,参考各阶段前人取得的阶段性和标志性成果,系统梳理了石漠化贫困的相关概念和研究历程;然后对各阶段的研究热点进行整理,归纳总结了石漠化与农村贫困的关系、石漠化致贫机制、消除石漠化贫困的策略、防治工程减贫效益评价等4个方面的前人研究成果。研究表明:石漠化贫困与石漠化区贫困的界限不清,是造成石漠化防治工程和精准扶贫衔接脱节的原因之一,应突出石漠化区生态脆弱的特性,将生态建设有机融入巩固脱贫攻坚成果同乡村振兴有效衔接之中,实现生态、资源、人口和经济各要素的耦合协调发展;工作超前,理论基础研究落后的现实依然存在,应加强石漠化区乡村人地关系及相对贫困的研究,探究石漠化阻碍乡村振兴的制约机制;此外,在岩溶地区生态质量不断提升的背景下,应优化石漠化防治工程后评价体系,凸显社会效益和经济效益评价的重要性,总结经验、汲取教训,巩固岩溶地区脱贫攻坚成果,实现脱贫攻坚与乡村振兴有效衔接。 相似文献
13.
Governing minorities and development in Xishuangbanna, China: Akha and Dai rubber farmers as entrepreneurs 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Janet C. Sturgeon 《Geoforum》2010,41(2):318-73
In Xishuangbanna, southern Yunnan, Akha and Dai farmers, regarded in China as “backward”, passive recipients of state-led development, have been “getting rich” on rubber and expanding rubber cultivation into neighbouring Laos. State cash crop campaigns to raise minority farmers’ incomes inadvertently turned minority farmers into dynamic entrepreneurs. This paper builds on Vinay Gidwani’s use of development as a “regime of value” to raise social and economic value to analyze these unexpected results. Local state agents believe they are the agents of development, bringing modest social and economic improvements to minority farmers of obdurate backwardness. Minority farmers see themselves as improving their own incomes and “quality”, a term in China for social value, in an era when they are responsible for their own development. National development discourse encourages citizens to raise population quality by becoming entrepreneurial, a message heard by minority rubber farmers as well as urban elites. Through creative, post-Fordist production models and agile deployment of land, labour, and capital, minority farmers have achieved incomes that exceed those of workers on state rubber farms, large plantations whose Fordist production models are losing out in the uneven transition from a planned economy to a more capitalist market assemblage. Akha and Dai rubber farmers, the “backward” minorities on China’s periphery, have unexpectedly become the forerunners of flexible production arrangements that are prevailing in the arena opened up by China’s 2001 entry into the World Trade Organization. 相似文献
14.
Although development is widely held to be the solution to poverty in the Third World, a case can be made that it is a part of the problem. It is commonly believed that development eradicates poverty through increased production of goods and services, but the past history of that activity also contains an unacknowledged history of socially-constructed scarcity. Poverty is a form of development-induced scarcity caused by the playing out of production relations located within a nexus of interacting technical, social, political, cultural, ecological, and academic relations. In that sense poverty is caused by multiple forces acting within a discursive materialist formation. We have used an analytical framework called the nexus of production relations to elucidate these ideas. This framework also suggests that the opportunities available to the poor for meeting their needs are far more varied and numerous than theories of economic development would have us believe. 相似文献
15.
Bolivia is a country with high levels of poverty and inequality among its peoples and regions. For the nation and its urban
and rural areas, trends in the social and spatial distribution of poverty (and extreme poverty) are identified from 1976 to
2003 using UBN data with minor support where appropriate from poverty lines. The main survey between 1992 and 2001 uses composite
and selected UBN to track detailed poverty change for the country’s nine departments, its ten largest cities and a selection
of other smaller urban and rural municipalities. Because of rising background increases in population in the various surveyed
administrative units, many instances of relative reductions in poverty are accompanied by rising absolute increases. Marked
spatial variations in poverty and development in the country over the last several decades are identified as the main driver
for the country’s quickening pace of rural–urban migration. As a result, the paper concludes by assessing two different but
closely related views. One investigation tests the notion that because more poor people have been living in Bolivia’s cities
than in its rural areas since the mid to late 1990s, rapid rural–urban migration has simply shifted the locus of poverty from
the countryside to the cities in a process called, the ‘urbanisation of poverty.’ A second, more challenging, investigation
assesses the view that the flow of poor rural people to the better serviced urban areas of Bolivia has actually acted to alleviate
national poverty levels. 相似文献
16.
R. A. Olu Sule Prof. Dr. 《GeoJournal》1990,22(1):81-91
Conclusion The sporadic application of ‘slum clearance’ programmes served only to exacerbate the already intransigent problem of urban
housing shortage, as the example of Lagos has demonstrated. The continued application of Western assumptions in urban development
(whereas they have since been modified in those countries) has inhibited a reassessment of issues in the Nigerian context.
Some of the issues at stake have been considered in this paper. Conventional Western concepts have not only proved inappropriate
to the realities of rapid urban growth and limited resources in Nigeria and most of tropical Africa, but have intensified
the problems still further. In the context of Maroko slum clearance exercise as contained in this paper, they must be seen
as an unsuccessful attempt to control rather than resolve the housing problems of the urban poor.
I terms of planning five procedural steps are necessary to be followed to accomplish a desirable urban renewal exercise for
the community. They are (1) to acquire land in accordance with the plan, consisting of purchase of land and the structures
on it. (2) Relocation of residents from the acquired buildings into satisfactory quarters. The relocation exercise must be
made not only mandatory on the government (local or state) undertaking renewal but made a legal requirement. (3) Site clearance
— the razing of the structures on the land may be carried out only after the quality of such structures have been determined.
This exercise also assumes that a process of data collection and analysis have been accomplished (social and physical). (4)
Site improvements and supporting facilities and services are undertaken by the agency. Site improvements include streets,
sewers, lightiing etc. Others may include parks, play ground, schools etc. (5) Land may be built upon by agency or sold to
original owners if compensations have been paid. They may also be given back to owners with loans to rebuild either through
self-help or cooperative venture. Amortization and interest on such loans should be made generous for the poor.
Since demolition of housing must precede new construction in the project area, the existing stock of housing is decreased,
forcing the displacees to seek shelter in the remaining housing in the city or erect squatter housing. This is especially
likely at the low-quality end of the housing market, since the greatest reduction in the housing stock occurs there. The condition
may remain depending on government’s degree of responsiveness. Perhaps the only way to avoid the problem of a reduced housing
stock in any urban renewal project, thus curbing the incidence of the spiral process of slums among the poor, as the Maroko
example has demonstrated in Lagos, is by building new dwelling units for relocatees before demolishing their present homes.
Such policy would merge with general attempts to relocate the poor in suburbs, seeking a reduction in the concentrations of
poverty in central cities of Nigeria. 相似文献
17.
Mark Bonta 《Geoforum》2005,36(1):95-112
Neotropical cloud forests have been locked away in protected areas that conservationists seek to fashion into spaces exclusively for “Nature,” but they often cannot do so because of the pressure of migrant agriculture, among other factors. The author documents the case of a protected area in Honduras that, while it fails to evolve into an idealized “conservation space,” nevertheless undergoes transformations until it becomes accepted by local actors as a space that provides protection for marginalized groups under threat from a hydroelectric project that seeks to dislodge them. A Deleuzian theoretical approach loosely drawing from complexity theory is utilized to explain the process whereby diverse and conflicting land-use spatialities come to embrace an alien and imposed national park and in the process ally with each other against a perceived greater threat from the outside. The author shows the transformative potentials of protected areas as allies, rather than enemies, of spatial justice movements currently confronting the challenges of “regional economic integration” initiatives such as the Central American Free Trade Agreement. 相似文献
18.
Stephanie Pincetl 《Geoforum》2006,37(2):246-255
The United States is often considered the progenitor of conservation planning in the world, the first to establish a vast public domain, for example. But with continued population growth, conservation planning on private lands—rural and at the urban fringe—continues to be a substantial challenge due to a tradition of local home rule in land use planning and strong private property protection afforded by the US Constitution. New “bottom-up” collaborative approaches, as well as other innovative strategies seem to be emerging. How effective these will be given pressures for growth and high property values remain to be seen without a rethinking of ideas of nature, a rebalancing of the role of property in American local fiscal regimes, and of private property rights. 相似文献
19.
A necessary condition for a migration to be considered as a “diaspora” is the upholding of contacts in the land of origin in various forms, real or imaginary, material or cultural. This paper examines whether this is so in the case of Indian South Africans, most of whose ancestors came to the country as indentured labourers between 1860 and 1911. A key contention was that there could be some cultural and emotional factors partly explaining the economic relations and the geography of flows between the South Africans of Indian origin and India. However, this eventually proved to be wrong. This is all the more paradoxical since the “Indian” identity is still very alive in Durban. However, it is highly fragmented, according to the generations, the religions and the socio-economic classes. India is still a key referent, but “transcendentally”: either as a country which has only an abstract existence, which is spoken of, even dreamt of, without ever being visited; or it is visited but considered only as a whole, since the region of one’s ancestors is almost never at the forefront. Furthermore, the vulnerable situation of “Indians” within South African society does not encourage stronger relationships with India. 相似文献
20.
Alistair Fraser 《Geoforum》2007,38(2):299-311
Market-Led Agrarian Reform (MLAR), which is advocated by the World Bank and is being implemented in various contexts around the world, is a more neo-liberal approach to land reform than that we have seen implemented in the past. MLAR principles have underpinned South Africa’s land reform programme, being based on the ‘willing-seller, willing-buyer’ principle, which guarantees market-related prices to sellers. Evidence presented in this paper, however, raises serious questions about the extent to which the South African government has held on to MLAR principles. Specifically, the paper argues that South Africa’s peculiar geo-historical context has in some instances led the government to fuse market-led approaches with more authoritarian interventions that dictate to land reform beneficiaries how the land will be used. A case in point is the government’s approach to the restitution of land rights to communities dispossessed from the Levubu area of Limpopo province. As the paper illustrates, the government has imposed on the intended beneficiaries a so-called ‘strategic partnership’ between them and agribusinesses. Although the government touts the approach as a way to protect the commercial viability of the land and to transfer skills from white farmers to the beneficiaries, the terms of the Levubu solution may turn out to be less than favourable for the beneficiaries. 相似文献