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1.
基于EM-DAT数据库1987—2016年全球陆地气候气象及水文类（气候相关类）灾害灾情数据及居民消费者价格指数（CPI）、GDP等社会资料数据,对直接经济损失、损失占比（直接经济损失/GDP）等在不同尺度上计算分析,并量化了频次、GDP、频次与GDP联合影响对损失占比变化的贡献率。结果表明：① 全球直接经济损失随时间变化呈显著上升趋势,损失占比先上升后下降,世界防灾减灾能力不断加强,但应对巨灾能力仍然较弱;② 收入水平越高区域遭受直接经济损失越严重,但中低和中高收入区域经济损失占比明显高于低收入和高收入区域;③ 直接经济损失严重地区有欧洲、东亚、南亚、东南亚及北美洲中南部地区,而损失占比较高地区主要有东亚、东南亚和加勒比海地区;④ 初期灾次对气候气象及水文类灾害损失占比变化起主导作用但影响力逐渐减弱,GDP和频次与GDP联合影响对损失占比变化作用逐渐增强,不同收入区域存在一定差异。 相似文献
2.
东亚高速铁路网络的发展演化与地理效应评价 总被引：8，自引：2，他引：6
经济全球化和区域一体化进程的不断推进,促使东亚在世界经济中的地位不断提升。高速铁路作为促进经济一体化和区域发展的重要手段和基础,其快速发展势必会对东亚地区的区域发展、空间结构、人口流动和一体化产生重大影响。在分析东亚高速铁路网络发展历程及服务水平的基础上,评价与对比了高速铁路建设对城市交通圈和可达性的影响,及一体化高速铁路潜在的空间效应,以期为东亚一体化高速铁路构建提供指导。结果表明：东亚高速铁路网络扩张整体上呈现出“核心—核心”到网络化的发展历程;高速铁路网络在中国东中部、日本和韩国等地区具有较高的人口和产业服务水平,但国土面积覆盖率相对较低;高速铁路的建设促使核心城市交通圈格局不断扩展与强化,可实现当日往返城市对数量明显增加,主要分布在中国长三角、珠三角,日本东京和韩国首尔周边;中国大陆、日本和韩国的加权平均旅行时间分别呈现出以郑州、东京和首尔为中心的“核心—边缘”结构,且圈层结构逐渐向高速铁路沿线延伸;高速铁路的建设促使城市人口服务水平和可达性的空间格局均呈现出明显的“廊道效应”。 相似文献
3.
Population,urbanization and economic scenarios over the Belt and Road region under the Shared Socioeconomic Pathways 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Jing Cheng Tao Hui Jiang Tong Wang Yanjun Zhai Jianqing Cao Lige Su Buda 《地理学报(英文版)》2020,30(1):68-84
The countries throughout the Belt and Road region account for more than 60% of the world's population and half of the global economy. Future changes in this area will have significant influences on the global economic growth, industrial structure and resource allocation. In this study, the proportion of the urban population to the total population and the gross domestic product were used to represent the levels of urbanization and economic development, respectively. The population, urbanization and economic levels of the Belt and Road countries for 2020–2050 were projected under the framework of the IPCC's shared socioeconomic pathways(SSPs), and the following conclusions are drawn.(1) The population, urbanization and economic levels in the Belt and Road region will likely increase under all five pathways. The population will increase by 2%–8%/10 a during 2020–2050 and reach 5.0–6.0 billion in 2050. Meanwhile, the urbanization rate will increase by 1.4%–7.5%/10 a and reach 49%–75%. The GDP will increase by 17%–34%/10 a and reach 134–243 trillion USD.(2) Large differences will appear under different scenarios. The SSP1 and SSP5 pathways demonstrate relatively high urbanization and economic levels, but the population size is comparatively smaller; SSP3 shows the opposite trend. Meanwhile, the economy develops slowly under SSP4, but it has a relatively high urbanization level, while SSP2 exhibits an intermediate trend.(3) In 2050, the population will increase relative to 2016 in most countries, and population size in the fastest growing country in Central Asia and the Middle East countries will be more than double. Urbanization will develop rapidly in South Asia, West Asia and Central Asia, and will increase by more than 150% in the fastest growing countries. The economy will grow fastest in South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Asia, and increase by more than 10 times in some counties with rapid economic development. 相似文献
4.
This paper uses data for the period 1950–2050 compiled by the United Nations Population Division together with methods including spatial autocorrelation analysis, hierarchical cluster analysis and the standard deviational ellipse, to analyze the spatio-temporal evolution of population and urbanization in the 75 countries located along the routes of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road, to identify future population growth and urbanization hotspots. The results reveal the following: First, in 2015, the majority of Belt and Road countries in Europe, South Asia and Southeast Asia had high population densities, whereas most countries in Central Asia, North Africa and West Asia, as well as Russia and Mongolia, had low population densities; the majority of countries in South Asia, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, West Asia and North Africa had rapid population growth, whereas many countries in Europe had negative population growth; and five Belt and Road countries are in the initial stage of urbanization, 44 countries are in the acceleration stage of urbanization, and 26 are in the terminal stage of urbanization. Second, in the century from 1950 to 2050, the mean center of the study area’s population is consistently located in the border region between India and China. Prior to 2000, the trajectory of the mean center was from northwest to southeast, but from 2000 it is on a southward trajectory, as the population of the study area becomes more concentrated. Future population growth hotspots are predicted to be in South Asia, West Asia and Southeast Asia, and hotspot countries for the period 2015–2030 include India, China, Pakistan and Indonesia, though China will move into negative population growth after 2030. Third, the overall urban population of Belt and Road countries increased from 22% in 1950 to 49% in 2015, and it is expected to gradually catch up with the world average, reaching 64% in 2050. The different levels of urbanization in different countries display significant spatial dependency, and in the hundred-year period under consideration, this dependency increases before eventually weakening. Fourth, between 2015 and 2030, urban population hotspots will include Thailand, China, Laos and Albania, while Kuwait, Cyprus, Qatar and Estonia will be urban “coldspots.” Fifth, there were 293 cities with populations over 1 million located along the Belt and Road in 2015, but that number is expected to increase to 377 by 2030. Of those, 43 will be in China, with many of the others located in India, Indonesia and the eastern Mediterranean. 相似文献
5.
In recent decades, the continuous growth in the population has significantly changed the area of human settlements across the globe. The change of human settlements has brought great challenges to human development, environmental change, resource allocation, and disaster prediction and prevention. In the current paper, we integrate data products provided by the European Commission, Joint Research Centre with multi-source remote sensing data to analyze the changing trends of global human settlements under varying geographical distributions from 1990 to 2014. The results demonstrate that on the global scale, human settlements are generally distributed in Europe, East Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, the eastern United States, the Gulf Coast and the coast of Oceania, with most of them distributed in urban agglomerations and coastal areas. Global human settlements have continued to grow over the past 25 years, mainly in East Asia, Western Europe and the United States. The area of human settlements in eastern Europe has been slightly reduced. The distribution of human settlements is affected by climate, water and terrain conditions. Humans were more likely to have settled in temperate regions with wetter climates, and most of the human settlements are located within 500 km of the coastline and 30 km of land-based water sources. Our results can provide insights into further investigations of the spatio-temporal dynamics of human settlements and its connections to ecological and environmental issues in a changing world. 相似文献
6.
东北亚与东南亚地区次区域国际合作对比研究 总被引：7，自引：1，他引：7
作者对东北亚与东南亚地区次区域国际合作的典型代表－图们江地区和澜沧江－湄公河流域在自然资源条件，经济地域范围，区域开发的时空模式及其面临的障碍因素等方面进行了对比分析，认为两区域的发展将对东亚的地域格局产生深远影响。 相似文献
7.
Dean Forbes 《The Australian geographer》1988,19(1):182-194
Nearly all Australia's Asian neighbours are developing countries. Some, like South Korea and Singapore are now industrialising rapidly, while others such as China, Thailand and Indonesia have economies that have shown strong growth. Their significance as trading partners for Australia has expanded accordingly. Six of Australia's 11 most important export markets, and five of the top 13 sources of imports are in East and South‐east Asia. Increased recognition of this economic relationship has been termed the ‘new realism’ of Australia's international relations. Australia's overseas development assistance program has also given increased emphasis to East and South‐east Asia, not least because of perceived trade benefits. Yet while the growth of the new realist perspective is to be welcomed, it needs to be recognised that most of the countries within the region are still poor, and not likely to catch up to Australian standards of living for many decades, if ever. Future relations between Australia and the developing countries to its north, therefore, will be best served by a development assistance program that stresses the developmental and humanitarian purposes of aid, and confines trade related concerns to the countries and situations where it is relevant. 相似文献
8.
As part of a major international study, 219 first‐year geography students at three Australian universities drew sketch maps of the world. These maps were overwhelmingly Sinocentric in orientation. In terms of content, Australian students tended to include slightly fewer countries than students elsewhere. The level of inclusion of individual countries in the sketch maps was influenced greatly by the area and population of the countries in question but secondary factors such as proximity to Australia, Commonwealth nation status, historical/cultural factors and level of economic development were also important. In comparison to students throughout the world, Australian students demonstrated a fair knowledge of East Asia and ASEAN nations, Western Europe and Commonwealth nations, and relatively poor knowledge of Latin America, non‐Commonwealth Africa and South‐west Asia. 相似文献
9.
南亚作为哈·麦金德"陆心说"中"世界岛"和斯皮克曼"陆缘说"中欧亚大陆边缘地带的重要组成部分,其地缘政治地位因印度作为重要大国的出现而上升到突出位置并成为独立的地缘政治区。印度作为南亚力量中心,其在与南亚邻国互动过程中使得南亚地缘政治显现出印度领衔下的吸引力与排斥力互动的统一,现实利益需求与不确定性并存,地缘政治主体间合作与心存互疑的矛盾心理和南亚地缘政治走势受印度影响等特点。而导致这些特点的原因既是南亚地理环境作用的结果,也与印度地缘政治思想,南亚国家间权力结构以及印度抵制外部势力渗透等有关。最后提出对中国经略南亚的3点启示。 相似文献
10.
本文基于全球、区域和国家三个不同尺度,对1965年～2011年世界炼油能力进行分析,得出结论：（1）整体而言,世界炼油能力呈现上升的趋势,且年际变化幅度在-3.14%～9.56%之间,1987年以来炼油能力的增长速度稳定,变化幅度在3%以内;（2）不同区域的炼油能力差异显著,其中亚太地区最高,北美和欧洲次之,非洲、中南美洲和中东地区炼油能力较低。各区域炼油能力变化的趋势和占世界炼油能力的比重呈现出不一样的变化特征;（3）从国家尺度来看,世界炼油能力的空间分布极不均衡,炼油能力超过百万桶/日的国家主要分布在北美、欧洲、中东和亚太地区。70年代以来世界炼油的重心呈现出不断东移的趋势,中东和亚太地区是世界炼油能力新的增长极。 相似文献
11.
Dupaquier J 《Acta geographica》1998,(116):5-22
World population growth from settlement of the continents to future population size is broadly traced in this work. Population growth has accelerated greatly in the past two centuries and especially since 1950. The first billion was reached only in 1850, while the fifth billion, in 1986, required only 11 years. Past population growth was slow, irregular, and variable from continent to continent. Population estimates for prehistory have a margin of error of around 50%. Modern man first appeared in Africa or possibly the Middle East around 100,000 BC. The three great centers of population in China, India, and the Middle East and Mediterranean area developed during the Neolithic Revolution and have maintained their importance. At least 500,000 years ago, humans began using fire and clothing to escape the limits of their biotype and geographic area of origin. The peopling of the continents was not achieved by massive displacement of surplus population, but by movement of small groups into empty space where they proliferated. World population was an estimated 460-510 million in 1500, with probably 135 million in China, 95 million in India, and 80 million in Europe. The balance between fertility and mortality postulated by transition theory has not occurred in Europe. World population is projected to increase from 2.5 billion to 6 billion between 1950 and 2000, with 61% in Asia, 12% in Africa, 9% in Latin America, and 5% in Europe. The world rate of population growth is still about 1.4% annually. The demographic explosion will have been a transitory episode in human history, but revolutionary in its impact. 相似文献
12.
基于修正的引力模型测算中国与周边国家的地缘经济关系,进而借助ArcGIS刻画地缘经济关系时空格局演化过程,以揭示其总体规律与特征。结果表明（：1）中国与周边国家地缘经济关系总体呈现出波动上升的态势,但国别间差异显著且逐渐扩大,并以2009年与2016年为转折点,将中国与周边国家双边地缘经济关系划分成缓慢发展期（2001—2008年）、平稳增长期（2009—2015年）和快速增长期（2016—2019年）;（2）地缘经济关系总体上呈现东高西低的空间格局,即中国与东亚地区的日本和韩国为中-高至高地缘经济关系值,与西亚、南亚大多数周边国家主要为低至中-低地缘经济关系值。地缘经济关系格局演进的影响因素包括国际地缘环境、地缘经济利益、地缘区位、经济规模、资源要素禀赋、地缘文化等。 相似文献
13.
随着经济发展和人口的增加,环境与资源问题在中东国家日益普遍和突出。环境问题的根源及其影响超越了国界,环境问题也必须国际合作才能解决,这对以色列所在的东地中海地区特别重要。东地中海国家开展环境治理和管理的合作不但符合该地区社会经济的可持续发展要求,也是促进和巩固中东政治和平的重要手段。本文分析了以色列政府1996年1月提出的《区域环境合作和发展选择》文件的基本框架和内容,指出：这个规划对区域经济合作具有宏观指导意义和操作意义,更是新时期以色列抢占中东经济高地的一个前瞻性战略,将对中东的政治经济新格局产生深远的影响。 相似文献
14.
This paper examines the recent economic turmoil in East Asia which has been linked to the convulsive nature of global capital movements. East Asia, once the site of rapid capital accumulation, lost its economic momentum beginning in July 1997 with a series of currency devaluations, culminating in a net outflow of private capital within a year. International capital's ability to disembed the region, however, has been highly uneven over space. That China, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan are far more territorially resilient while others like Indonesia, Thailand, and South Korea initiated major political changes suggests that the geography of crisis is far more complex than is currently presented. 相似文献
15.
《The Professional geographer》2013,65(2):184-196
This paper examines the recent economic turmoil in East Asia which has been linked to the convulsive nature of global capital movements. East Asia, once the site of rapid capital accumulation, lost its economic momentum beginning in July 1997 with a series of currency devaluations, culminating in a net outflow of private capital within a year. International capital's ability to disembed the region, however, has been highly uneven over space. That China, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan are far more territorially resilient while others like Indonesia, Thailand, and South Korea initiated major political changes suggests that the geography of crisis is far more complex than is currently presented. 相似文献
16.
印巴战略平衡是南亚地区格局形成的基础,是影响中国海上丝路地缘安全最重要的变量之一。进入21世纪以来,由于印度和巴基斯坦在经济和军事尤其是核力量方面持续不平衡增长以及美国南亚战略发生转向,持续多年的南亚地区均势走向瓦解,以中美印大三角为核心的弹性均势体系正逐步取代过去中印巴和美印巴并行的双三角体系。一个缺少制衡且向西方倾斜的印度,可能会给中国印度洋海上油路安全以及西南边疆稳定带来更多不确定性;巴基斯坦的战略处境更加困难,其作为中国与穆斯林世界桥梁、屏蔽极端势力向新疆渗透的能力会有所削弱。未来中国应积极参与南亚地区再平衡建设,在利用经济合作增进地区互信的同时,还应强化对巴基斯坦的经济和军事支持,并在南亚次大陆周边寻找更多战略立足点,谨防在西太平洋和北印度洋两个方向被美日印联合压制,力求把海上丝路沿线地缘安全风险降到最小。 相似文献
17.
流动人口分布与区域经济发展关系若干解释(1990、2000) 总被引：11，自引：1，他引：10
本文对我国1990、2000年间流动人口在东、中、西部和东部地区中环渤海、长江三角洲、珠江三角洲及福建三个亚区的分布变化以及这一分布变化与上述各地区各相关经济与非经济因素变化的关系进行了研究。研究发现,10年中流动人口东、中、西部分布变化与东、中、西部经济发展的变化高度一致;而10年中流动人口在东部地区环渤海、长江三角洲、珠江三角洲及福建这三个亚区层面的分布变化则与经济发展要素变化有一致的方面,也有不一致的方面。珠江三角洲及福建的经济增长带来了流动人口的大幅增长,除珠江三角洲劳动密集型企业众多外,这可能与该区域地方社会人文等文化本底所决定的经济发展制度及习俗有一定的相关性。 相似文献
18.
中国周边地缘政治与地缘经济格局和对策 总被引：18，自引：6，他引：12
在对19 世纪末和20 世纪西方代表性地缘政治与地缘经济理论进行重点介绍的基础上,分析了中国周边地缘政治与地缘经济的历史和现状特点,阐述了中国周边地缘政治与地缘经济的基本格局与发展态势,即：北部地缘政治关系紧密,地缘经济发展较快;西部地缘政治关系持续发展,地缘经济合作前景广阔;西南部为地缘政治破碎带,地缘经济极具潜力;南部地缘政治与地缘经济关系总体良好,但南海问题是不稳定因素;东部地缘政治热点问题敏感复杂,地缘经济结构相对稳定。最后提出了改善提升中国周边地缘政治关系与发展地缘经济的“北联、西进、南合、东拓”地缘战略及对策建议。 相似文献
19.
选取UN Comtrade 2000年—2016年中国与南亚各国相关贸易数据,从中国与南亚的贸易现状入手,对中国在南亚地区的贸易格局进行了分析,并运用HM指数对中国与南亚国家的贸易相互依赖程度进行测算。研究表明：①中国与南亚地区的贸易总额呈增长态势,印度是中国在南亚最大的贸易伙伴;②中国与南亚各国贸易显著不平衡;③中国在南亚的贸易格局一直以印度为主,以巴基斯坦和孟加拉国为辅;④中国出口南亚的主要商品类别的国家间差异在缩小,以资本或技术密集型产品中的机械及运输设备为主;⑤中国进口南亚的主要商品类别的国家间差异较大,但以劳动密集型产品为主;⑥中国出口对南亚国家的依赖程度明显低于南亚国家出口对中国的依赖程度;⑦“一带一路”倡议提出至今,中国出口对南亚国家的依赖程度整体呈增长态势,而南亚国家出口对中国的依赖程度多呈下降态势。 相似文献
20.
Rathor IS Premi MK 《Population geography : a journal of the Association of Population Geographers of India》1986,8(1-2):27-37
This paper indexes rural male out-migration and explains changing intensity patterns in Uttar Pradesh, India, since 1961. The sex ratio among non-migrants serves as an indicator of regional variations in rural out-migration. The paper highlights 2 population divergence zones in the underdeveloped Northern hilly and Eastern plain regions. The process of infrastructural development combined with cultural factors and inadequate employment opportunities seem to stimulate rural outmigration. Regional imbalance in economic development seems to be working as a suction economic system. The developed regions in India are utilizing the labor force of backward areas. The number of districts of high and moderately high rural male outmigration has increased, reflecting a wider gap between individual income and regional inequality. Unless the process is reversed in favor of rural areas, strategies for development will only work in capitalistic frameworks which serve the interests of developed regions. 相似文献