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1.
Virginie Mamadouh 《GeoJournal》2000,51(1-2):113-128
This article explores the websites of the key institutions of the European Union to consider whether these applications of the new information and communication technologies may become a functional equivalent of the national capital city in the emerging supranational political arena. Three functions of capital cities are evaluated: that of command centre, showcase and cultural arena. The websites under consideration do provide a representation of the EU command centre, and they also offer detailed information useful for those monitoring and partaking in the EU decision-making process. They are underused as supranational showcase, with the noticeable exception of their institutionalisation of multilingualism. And they do offer a rudimentary EU-wide public space. The findings suggest that there is a real potential that could be exploited by the EU institutions to foster the expression of the supranational community. 相似文献
2.
A vitalist approach to sugar-cane breeding in Barbados: In the context of the European Union Sugar Reform 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Pamela Richardson-Ngwenya 《Geoforum》2012,43(6):1131-1139
The European Union (EU) recently terminated the Sugar Protocol, which had provided a guaranteed minimum price for sugar exports from countries in the African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group. Caribbean sugar producers have responded in a variety of different ways. This paper engages with the adjustment of the Barbadian sugar sector; in particular, the agronomic cane breeding and selection program currently underway.This paper demonstrates the value that vitalist materialism, as a philosophical approach, has for understanding the situated practices and politics of cane variety selection in Barbados. Approaching agronomic practices from a more-than-human, vitalist perspective has political as well as practical significance, illuminating the lack of attention given to the specific material relations and temporalities of sugarcane in national ‘adjustment’ plans. 相似文献
3.
Liza Griffin 《Geoforum》2010,41(2):282-292
This paper explores a series of maxims, widely known in policy and academic circles as the ‘principles of good governance’, which state that policymaking in the European Union (EU) should be participatory, conducted as close to citizens as practicable, transparent, accountable, effective and coherent. These maxims were introduced into EU fisheries management as part of a radical reform of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) in 2002. This reform was instituted in response to criticisms of a prevailing management regime alleged to be inefficient, undemocratic, and potentially responsible for an environmental crisis: the exhaustion of key fish stocks. The research for this work has found that there are limits to the actual achievement of good governance in EU fisheries. In practice governance innovations are very often contradictory and rife with tensions. I reason that such problems result not merely from policy implementation failures; they constitute a more endemic feature of the CFP reforms. We can begin to understand these limits to good governance principles by looking to Agamben’s permanent state of exception thesis. Agamben’s theory helps to show how these contradictions and tensions occur under new governance regimes, because the relationship between democratic norms (like good governance) and political power is no longer clear. I argue that this blurring has been exploited by groups seeking influence in these new regimes. They do this through citing a supposed need for emergency measures to mitigate crisis. Although this research broadly supports the state of exception thesis, my analysis leads me to question some aspects of its application in contemporary governance spaces. 相似文献
4.
A.J. Christopher 《Geoforum》2004,35(2):145-156
South Africa is a multi-lingual country with 11 official languages and a recent history where language was frequently used as a political instrument, notably in the urban areas. Although the cities were initially colonial foundations, as a consequence of rural-urban migration, the speakers of the various national languages have come into close contact with one another. However, as a result of the inheritance of apartheid town planning and its emphasis on racial zoning, residential segregation levels between some linguistic groups have been extremely high. An analysis of the 1996 census results reveals that the uniformly high segregation levels between the speakers of indigenous African languages and the speakers of Afrikaans and English are the direct outcome of apartheid era town planning. Nevertheless, segregation between the speakers of different African languages may also on occasion be relatively high where homeland political policies were pursued, although this was the exception rather than the rule. Similarly segregation between English and Afrikaans speakers was locally high where home language coincided with former racial classification. Few immediate significant changes are anticipated in the present patterns of linguistic segregation, as the inherited apartheid city structure is proving to be remarkably resistant to transformation. 相似文献
5.
Virginie Mamadouh 《GeoJournal》1999,47(3):477-486
Differences between the national political cultures of the European states are puzzling. They are too often taken for granted
or treated as an elusive explanation for residual differences that can not be accounted for in comparative politics. Here
they are put at the core of a comparative analysis. This article explores the origins of differences between national political
cultures. It deals with national political cultures from the perspective of Cultural Theory or grid-group analysis. A national
political culture is conceived as a ‘conversation’ between subcultures associated to national political institutions and practices
(and not as an aggregated pattern of individual orientations toward political objects). National political cultures can be
characterised on the basis of ideal typical patterns of relations between the basic cultures or rationalities distinguished
by Cultural Theory. After an assessment of the differences between the national political cultures of the Member States of
the European Union, the paper considers traditional family structures as possible sources of differentiation, elaborating
upon the work of the French political historian Emmanuel Todd who has documented the correspondence between the geography
of traditional family structures and the geography of ideologies in Europe.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
6.
The subject of this article falls within the debate on the development of new neighborhoods beyond the hub of the metropolis
and how this relates to planning from below. It regards new neighborhoods as being increasingly shaped through deliberate
action in the form of public policy at the state and local levels. However, it emphasizes the central role of the government
establishment, national institutions and ideologies in walling out and exclusionary practices. Research into four representative
new neighborhoods in Israel, which were planned under the new spatial regime of the 1990s, reveals patterns of discrimination
and ethno-class stratification that enable the preservation of nationalism and ethnic logic as the main, yet concealed, axis
organizing social and spatial life. 相似文献
7.
This article offers an analysis of the emerging scalar configuration of the governance of the European Union. It discusses how European integration stands for a move from a collection of territorially homogenous systems of rule towards a new assemblage of territories, authorities and rights. The paper first questions the stretchy territoriality of the seemingly obvious European level. Second it analyses the sectoral differences in the evolution of the width and the depth of integration, measured as the transfer of competencies to the EU level between the Rome Treaty (1958) and the Lisbon Treaty (200y). Third it turns to the day-to-day decision-making to assess the relations between players in EU governance and finally it looks more closely at the administrative wheels of the EU machinery. 相似文献
8.
Pierre Beckouche 《GeoJournal》2004,60(4):381-387
When it comes to differentiation between human groups, one of the main features of Western culture is the importance of the
spatial divide. The invention of nations, that lasted four centuries of wars from the sixteenth to the twentieth century,
speaks for that. The fact that claims for local identity (neo-regionalism and nationalism) have such a success nowadays, reveals
that this feature is still quite alive. Louis Dumont's theory about individualism explains the long run contestation of pre-existent
collective authorities, and the rise of the general ideology of the individual. Jacques Lacan and contemporary psychoanalysts
who work on the links between psyche and society, go further. They shed light on the recurrent call into question of institutions,
on the overwhelming power of the individual and on the protest for identity. According to Lacan the subject is structurally
divided, the price for denying it is the overwhelming importance given to social demarcations, namely territorial demarcations.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
9.
《Geoforum》2017
Supranational policies move from their places of spatial design towards domestic and local materialization, a journey on which policy programs are subject to multiple loops of translation in various spatial contexts. These loops involve shifting rationalities, historically formed path dependencies and distinct constellations of stakeholders, all of which affect the means of their implementation within national and regional socio-spatial environments. This article evaluates the complexity of governance assemblages based on the translation and mutation of European Union bioenergy policies. As part of the transition towards a low carbon economy, EU member states have been given the responsibility to choose their own approaches within the common EU 2020 renewable energy framework. While EU documents highlight energy security, energy union and sustainability, a contested policy translation process reformulates governance means and aims along the way and sometimes causes the generic targets to vanish. Thus, context dependent decision making assemblages are portrayed as shaping the policy process and the advancement of renewable energy in various directions. The article bundles the empirical results of case studies in Finland, Germany, Estonia, France, and Norway, as well as EU institutions in Brussels to conceptualize peculiarities that guide policy design, translation and boosterist processes in transnational governance. 相似文献
10.
The utopia of the binational city 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Nicole Ehlers 《GeoJournal》2001,54(1):21-32
Kerkrade and Herzogenrath, on the German-Dutch border, look back at a common past in the former Land of Rode. This ceased
to exist in 1815 when the border was drawn between Prussia and The Netherlands. Since then the people turned their backs to
each other more and more and started orientating towards their own nation state. Only after the dramatic nationalism of World
War II subsided, did the border loose some of its dividing effects on political and social life. Unification processes of
the European Union strengthened this, and the rapprochement between Kerkrade and Herzogenrath has become so intensive that
they present themselves as one town: Eurode. The identification of both towns as one territorial, institutional and social
entity was and is essential for the success of Eurode. Yet, creating a feeling of 'we-ness' is not enough if the actions and
thoughts of the inhabitants do not match this feeling. This article therefore deals with the different stages of cross border
integration necessary before one can speak of a 'binational city'. The question remains open however, whether the binational
city can ever be more than Utopia.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
11.
Mark Wise 《Geoforum》2007,38(1):171-189
The political salience of demands from minority and regional groups for greater language rights increases across Europe. To draw more geographical attention to a particular aspect of these developments, this article identifies the main generic problems of converting demands for ‘linguistic rights’ into applied language policies. It does this by first outlining how the historic process of nation-state building in Europe reduced linguistic diversity, but has not eliminated language demands emanating from regional minorities. It then analyses how the concept of ‘linguistic rights’, as a part of human rights in general, has been developing within the United Nations and bodies including the Council of Europe and the European Union. Having outlined the political-legal frameworks within which minority language rights are pursued, the article then discusses the major difficulties of putting them into practice in particular places and spaces. They can be summarised as: the weakness of relevant international agreements; the dominance of state sovereignty in determining language policies; the limited public support for minority language rights; the difficulties of defining minority languages and delimiting the geographical spaces they occupy; the challenges posed by the growing geographical mobility of populations; and the problem of balancing collective and individual rights. Two fundamental issues linking these different problems are identified. First, there are problems of definition: what constitutes a ‘minority’ or ‘regional’ language and within what geographical space(s) is such a language spoken? This spatial dimension underlies a second fundamental problem, namely that of resolving conflicts between individual personality rights and collective territorial rights in increasing hybrid geolinguistic situations created by the growing geographical mobility of populations. Sociolinguists study these issues, but usually treat these essential spatial dimensions in a superficial fashion. Thus, there is an opportunity for geographers to develop more sophisticated geolinguistic analyses as a contribution to this interdisciplinary field. 相似文献
12.
The paper uses a capital asset pricing model to analyze the market risk in the European Union Emission Trading System (EU ETS) and clean development mechanisms (CDM) and Zipf analysis technology to analyze the carbon price volatility in different expectations of returns in the two markets. The results show that the systematic risk of the EU ETS market is around 0.07 %, but the CDM market is clearly divided into two stages; the systematic risk of the futures contracts in the first stage (DEC09–DEC12) is less than the EU ETS market, but the systematic risk of the futures contracts that enter the market is greater than the EU ETS market and has a higher market sensitivity, although on the unsystematic risk. The CDM market is always greater than the EU ETS market. Abnormal returns in the two carbon markets are both lower than 0.02 %, but CDM is higher. The probability of price down is greater than that of price up. The carbon price is affected by market mechanisms and external factors (economic crisis and environmental policies) in the low expectations of returns. However, in the high expectations of returns, compared with the CDM market, the carbon price change in the EU ETS market is less stable and has higher risks. 相似文献
13.
14.
IJ Van der Merve 《GeoJournal》1995,37(4):513-523
In the changing multi-ethnic South African society of the nineties, language planning has become a top priority on the national agenda of reform. Comprehension of the territorial dimensions of language is crucial if we are to penetrate its true cultural, economic and political effect. South Africa's language policy, as defined in the interim constitution, focuses mainly on the fact that in future the country will accommodate eleven official languages with equal status. Obviously, the nine provinces do not each have eleven official languages. A provincial legislative may, by a two-thirds majority vote, declare any of the national languages a provincial official language for the whole province or a part thereof. In the light of this it is of vital importance that the country's regional language patterns be analysed on a geographical basis. A visual and statistical representation of the geolinguistic realities in South Africa could support the planning and transformation process currently taking place at all levels of government in this multilingual country. The aim of this paper is to address the following geolinguistic issues on a national scale:
- The spatial identification of the official language distribution on a macro level;
- The time-space pattern of language change between 1980 and 1991;
- The demographic and socio-economic profile of language speakers;
- The consequences of the findings for ethno-linguistic restructuring in a post-apartheid South Africa.
15.
Nives Grasso Andrea Maria Lingua Maria Angela Musci Francesca Noardo Marco Piras 《Natural Hazards》2018,90(2):623-637
Every year, there are almost 50,000 forest fires in Europe (127/day), which have burned an area equal to more than 450,000 ha. An effective management of forest fires is therefore fundamental in order to reduce the number of the fires and, especially, the related burned areas, preserving the environment and saving human lives. However, some problems still exist in the structure of information and in the harmonization of data and fire management procedures among different European countries. Pursuing the same interoperability aims, the European Union has invested in the development of the INSPIRE Directive (Infrastructure for Spatial Information in Europe) to support environmental policies. Furthermore, the EU (European Union) is currently working on developing ad hoc infrastructures for the safe management of forests and fires. Moving from this premises and following an analysis of the state of the art of information systems for forest fire-fighting, in the light of the end-user requirements, the paper presents the INSPIRE—compliant design of a geographical information system, implemented using open-source platforms. 相似文献
16.
Milan Bufon 《GeoJournal》2006,66(4):341-352
The European continent, the motherland of nationalism, and the part of the world where political borders and different territorial and cultural identities are mostly interrelated, is now facing new challenges regarding how best to represent its numerous interests within one system. With the increase of international integration European countries began to devote greater attention to the development problems of their border areas that had to be helped to undertake certain functions in the international integration process. The fostering of a more balanced regional development also resulted in a strengthening of regional characteristics, which the new model could no longer ignore. Regional characteristics in turn have always been preserved in Europe by persistent historical and cultural elements of ethnic and linguistic variety. Therefore, it is not surprising that the process of European integration based on the new regional development model was accompanied by a parallel process of ethnic or regional awakening of minorities and other local communities. The key question for contemporary European (though of course this is not limited to Europe) political geography is, then, how the process summarised under the twin labels of social convergence and deterritorialisation will effect the persistent maintenance of regional identities and the corresponding divergence of regional spaces. Or, in other words: is the ‘unity in diversity’ European programme ever practicable and exportable on a world-wide scale or are we to be absorbed by a new global ‘melting pot’? 相似文献
17.
The paper uses a capital asset pricing model to analyze the market risk in the European Union Emission Trading System (EU ETS) and clean development mechanisms (CDM) and Zipf analysis technology to analyze the carbon price volatility in different expectations of returns in the two markets. The results show that the systematic risk of the EU ETS market is around 0.07 %, but the CDM market is clearly divided into two stages; the systematic risk of the futures contracts in the first stage (DEC09–DEC12) is less than the EU ETS market, but the systematic risk of the futures contracts that enter the market is greater than the EU ETS market and has a higher market sensitivity, although on the unsystematic risk. The CDM market is always greater than the EU ETS market. Abnormal returns in the two carbon markets are both lower than 0.02 %, but CDM is higher. The probability of price down is greater than that of price up. The carbon price is affected by market mechanisms and external factors (economic crisis and environmental policies) in the low expectations of returns. However, in the high expectations of returns, compared with the CDM market, the carbon price change in the EU ETS market is less stable and has higher risks.
相似文献18.
Amber-signs in the Latvian nation-state’s semiotics, constructed during the interwar period, are only bits and pieces of a complex system such as the State. However, the resonance that amber semiotics effectuated, despite its actual rarity, was and still is remarkably influential. Amber was extensively deployed as a signifier to the territory and its people, places and things; it signified patria, belonging and the homeland. Such State semiotics, according to Deleuze–Guattarian concepts, is distinguished as a signifying regime of signs characterized by its universal deception and regulated by State-controlled interpretations, facialized centres, and a high degree of deterritorializations. We examine the thresholds of territoriality-deterritorialization relations and expressions of amber signs during the Latvian nation-state’s and the Soviet Union’s semiotic regimes, conceptualized as indexes, symbols and icons. By tracing and mapping of these territorialisation movements we enrich our understanding of how effective the created semiotics are, and in what variety of forms and territorialities, including linguistic, craftsmanship, and varied place makings, they are expressed in a particular regime. Such territorial perspective thus shifts the focus from what and why these signs mean (e.g., national identity, homeland) to where, when and how (e.g., dynamics of various State’s territorialities) they become operational. Among other national products that emit signs, amber proved to be most effective in the functioning of State’s signifying semiotics in Latvia, representing thoroughly the strangleholds and the continuity of such deceptive semiotics. 相似文献
19.
《Geoforum》2015
This paper uses the concept of ‘ordinary citizenship’ (Staeheli et al., 2012) to explore the relationship between mobility, citizenship and political space in the European Union. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Britons living in South West France, the paper examines the ways in which citizenship is meaningful to migrants as a complexity of legal frameworks, normative structures and everyday activities. While EU citizenship has been advanced to underpin the formation of a closer Union, we demonstrate that contemporary forms of citizenship among these lifestyle migrants are shaped to a large extent by performances of national belonging, and individual interactions with other people at the local or community level. We argue that a bi-national structure of citizenship, or one based on domicile better accounts for the experiences of these migrants than supranational EU citizenship. 相似文献
20.
István Süli-Zakar 《GeoJournal》1998,46(3):193-197
Cross-border cooperation is starting to overcome the isolation of frontier regions where interaction under the socialist system
was minimal. Change has been particularly apparent in areas where trans-frontier organisations on the ‘Euroregion’ model have
emerged. The Carpathian Euroregion is the first exclusively East European example of this approach and it has already made
a positive impact in overcoming backwardness in an area where four East European countries were in contact with the Former
Soviet Union. The paper outlines the challenge facing the Euroregion – and the national and local governments in the five
countries concerned – in providing non-agricultural employment for a large rural population augmented by return-migration
from the towns since 1989. Many small farming businesses have been started as a survival strategy but they cannot be economically
viable in a market situation. Although most people are satisified with their rural lifestyle, the inevitability of radical
consolidation in a future EU context could be politically destabilising if more jobs are not generated in manufacturing and
in an expanding tertiary sector.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献