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1.
Margo Kleinfeld 《GeoJournal》2005,64(4):287-295
This paper describes the changing discourses of territory in Sri Lanka and their utility in conflict relations. The primordial
homeland has been at the center of Sri Lanka’s armed struggle, in which both Sinhalese and Tamil nationalisms have used claims
of ancient and ethnically determined territories to justify their right to self-determination, territorial sovereignty, and
armed struggle. This identity–territory nexus based on historical argument has been destabilized in Sri Lanka, however. Scholarly
findings suggest that historical linkages between ethnicity and territory in Sri Lanka are highly problematic and are no longer
effectual means for adjudicating territorial desires in Sri Lanka and producing stable homelands. I argue that rights-based
territorial discourses have emerged to enhance the old historical justifications for territorial authority. New narratives
based upon fulfilling or denying human rights have been put to work linking authority to territory based upon moral fitness
and unfitness, political legitimacy and illegitimacy, and ultimately, upon which political actor deserves to rule the territorially
bound population under its control. The first part of the paper examines historical narratives linking national homelands
to identity as well as scholarly work that deconstructs this linkage. In part two, external sovereignty and political legitimacy
are discussed as the starting point for understanding how rights-based discourses justify territorial claims. In part three,
accusations related to human rights violations are described as an important vehicle for shaming political adversaries, undermining
their legitimacy, and making and unmaking territorial claims in Sri Lanka. 相似文献
2.
《Geoforum》2018
We address the territorial embeddedness of resource management: the way in which resource management is shaped by the territorial context in which it occurs, as well as the way in which resource management contributes to shape new territories. We demonstrate that Industrial Ecology (IE), as a specific resource management approach, can be used to gain new perspectives on territorial patterns emerging with resource optimization. First, we lay down a theoretical framework that should underlie the use of territory as a concept, building bridges between geography and IE. Then, drawing upon this theoretical framework, we develop a methodological structure that can lead to and manifest the process of territorial construction at work in IE. We test the knowledge production capacity of this theoretical and methodological approach to territory in IE by applying it to a specific case study in the Aix-Marseille Provence metropolitan area (France). This paper thus enhances knowledge about the territorialization process at work in IE, by identifying different IE territories within the same geographic area and positioning local stakeholders, understood as local inhabitants, with respect to territorial interfaces. Finally, we discuss how IE, as a specific resource management approach, questions the different aspects of the connection between people and geographical places in a natural management context. 相似文献
3.
【研究目的】为摸清中国资源家底、认清资源变化规律、管好国土用途，解决现有自然资源内涵不一、分类上存在差异、在数据获取上不统一、资源管理分属不同部门导致的资源在空间管理上交叉重叠等问题。【研究方法】本文采用文献综述法对自然资源的定义、分类及有关资源观测监测指标的相关文献进行梳理。【研究结果】（1）明确了观测监测体系下的自然资源是自然状态或未被加工的状态下通过生产能够产生价值的资源，可将其分为气候资源、地表覆盖资源及地下水资源3类开展研究；（2）总结得到自然资源综合观测与监测的对象、内容及观测方法；（3）分析自然资源观测监测在资源间及资源与环境间、资源资产管理、生态环境修复上的具体作用。【结论】文章最后指出自然资源观测监测是研究资源间、资源与环境间作用，资源资产管理以及生态环境修复中不可缺少的技术手段。创新点：（1）明确了自然资源的定义，解决自然资源在部门管理上、分类上以及数据获取上不统一的问题；（2）分析自然资源观测与监测的内容和指标，结合系统调查、观测实验、预测模拟、监测评价“四位一体”的探测技术，有效掌握自然资源家底、进行资源资产管理，研究资源间、资源与环境的相互关系，在国土规划治理中发挥作用。 相似文献
4.
Conflicts between different interest groups for use of natural resources is one area where state geological surveys can provide
assistance. A state geological survey working within the scientific constraints of specific issues can remain objective in
its presentations and maintain the faith of both the conflicting interest groups and the public. One cannot vary from the
objective view or you will quickly be criticized. Criticism can still occur from one side of a natural resource issue as your
data might counter their views. However, the final decisions are almost always made in some legislators, or regulators, area
of responsibility. The responsibility of the state geological survey is to provide the important data that will assist in
making correct decisions. Should one party in the conflict become extreme in their demands, a potential compromise that is
beneficial to both sides can be lost. In Kansas, the classical natural resource problem of resource/recreation in a populated
area is presented as a case study. The state geological survey presented data on sand resources in the Kansas River and its
valley in northeast Kansas. That information was important to both recreation and dredging interests where the political problem
is a conflict of sand use as a construction material resource versus use of the alluvial river as an important recreation
area, especially for canoeing. However, when a reasonable compromise was near completion in the Kansas Legislature one side,
in a bold move to develop an advantage, ruined that potential for compromise.
Received: 12 May 1998 · Accepted: 6 July 1998 相似文献
5.
Recent developments in spatial analysis and spatial data have allowed researchers to investigate various geographical factors in the quantitative analysis of conflict and war (Ward in Polit Geogr 21(2):155–158, 2002). Despite the importance of territory in interstate conflict, there has been a limited interest in the application of spatial analysis to the study of territorial conflict. Using geographically weighted regression (GWR) we evaluated the existing explanations of territorial conflict provided by a global scale analysis that assumes a spatial consistency in the explanatory variables. Specifically, we revisited Paul Huth’s foundational work by using GWR to examine the spatial pattern in the sign and significance of the variables. The result of GWR shows that the escalation of territorial conflict cannot be fully explained by one universal model. There is a high level of spatial variation in the regression parameters and the explanatory power of the model varies over space. A k-means cluster analysis was implemented for a further investigation of the regional pattern of the underlying causes of territorial disputes. The result of our GWR suggests the necessity and possibility to pursue a local or regional scale approach to the study of territorial conflict, an approach that challenges an epistemology of seeking a single explanation for the causes of conflict that neglects regional context. The spatial heterogeneity in the causes of territorial conflict escalation we find is framed within a narrative of the intertwined processes of colonialism, Cold War legacies, and competition for resources. 相似文献
6.
Jeremy Crampton 《GeoJournal》1996,39(4):353-361
This paper begins by first giving a critique of the conflict in Bosnia from a geographical and cartographic perspective; and in particular how plans to address and solve the crisis have revolved around the cartographic delineation of territory. This is in effect a process of ‘bordering’ on Bosnia. What are the consequences of using maps to partition multi-ethnic states by constructing regions of ethnic dominance? What alternative territorial divisions might be available which are more sensitive to local use of resources? Second, the paper examines the details of the Dayton plan and argues that it is just the latest of a series of plans for Bosnia which defeat the ideal of pluralism. When the ideal of pluralism is dead, then the necessity of living together dies also. What results is not a desired Bosnia, but a divided Bosnia; one only ‘bordering’ on Bosnia in a kind of quasi- or unreal state. Throughout the paper the focus is on the role that maps have played in the conflict, how they have been contested and how they have been used to support the various interests of the parties involved. 相似文献
7.
Hydrocarbons, popular protest and national imaginaries: Ecuador and Bolivia in comparative context 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
This paper examines contemporary struggles over hydrocarbon governance in Ecuador and Bolivia. Our comparative analysis illustrates the ways that petro-capitalism, nationalist ideologies, popular movements and place conjoin in the governance of oil and natural gas. In the case of Ecuador, state employees drew on their labor relations and political training to oppose the government’s efforts to privatize the state oil company. In Bolivia, urban popular movements opposed the privatization of the hydrocarbons industry and its domination by foreign firms. In both cases, hydrocarbons struggles involved the production of imaginative geographies of the nation and it hydrocarbon resources, which in turn drew on historical memories of nationhood. Whereas neoliberal political and economic restructuring sought to re-organize national hydrocarbons companies, redraw concessions, and draft new resource extraction laws, hydrocarbon movements aimed to counter these processes by re-centering hydrocarbon governance within a populist vision of the nation-state. In contrast to analyses of resource conflict in the environmental security and resource curse literatures, the cases of Ecuador and Bolivia demonstrate that such struggles cannot be reduced to models of opportunity structure, war profiteering, or resource scarcity (or abundance). Rather, these cases show that political economy and cultural politics are inseparable in the context of resource conflicts, which involve struggles over the meanings of development, citizenship and the nation itself. 相似文献
8.
《Geoforum》2017
The paper intends to consider how territorial, political and legal culture dominant within mid-19th century Iberian Peninsula influenced boundary-making state practices, and to what extent a complex understanding of natural border areas -and particularly of river boundaries- emerged during this demarcation process. We draw on recent insights about, on the one hand, the important link between territory, nature and law within territorialization processes and state-making and, on the other, intrinsic problems of modern legal categories and juridical practices concerning river boundaries which are argued to be part of territorial ideologies associated with modern states.Within this framework, the paper initially addresses main practices and discourses about territory in this particular Iberian context, regarding both the enduring relevance of theory of natural boundaries within European history of modern state-making and legal codification of river boundaries delimitation by Spanish and Portuguese law internationalists. The following part of the paper presents main historical problems and territorial border disputes along the Minho River which the 1864 Spanish-Portuguese Boundary Treaty attempted to settle. Discussions and negotiations taking place within the Joint Boundary Commissions in charge of examining, delimiting and demarcating this stretch of the border are analysed as to consider how diverging interest and competing discourses about this fluvial space were displayed and related eventually to the solutions adopted by the Boundary Treaty. In that sense, state-driven boundary-making proved to be an important tool for territorial management of this border space. 相似文献
9.
Øystein Dalland 《Geoforum》1983,14(2):193-203
This paper explores the historical, geographical and human ecology aspects of an extreme conflict between development and conservation in northern Scandinavia. Development of hydro-power projects not only affects the physical environment but also conflicts with the culture of a distinct ethnic community, the Sami Lapps. Over one hundred power and mining projects have now been constructed in Sami territory, the cumulative effects of which have focused opposition to the Alta—Kautokeino Waterway. The long- and short-term origins of the conflict are analysed in the light of Sami ecology and Norwegian administrative principles. How the Sami ecology has affected the national frontiers and recent resource management issues are described. Finally, the importance of environmental protests and public hearings in the resolution of fundamental resource/land use conflicts is discussed. The author concludes that the basic aspects of land use conflict may be analysed by using a symbiotic ecology model and applying this to technical human activities. 相似文献
10.
Early research on contentious issues in world politics suggested that there is an important distinction between largely tangible
and largely intangible issues. Tangible issues are thought to be easier to resolve, while intangible issues can fester for
long periods of time through fruitless negotiations and repeated armed conflict. Research on territorial issues has suggested
that many territorial claims are driven by both tangible and intangible concerns, though, which complicates the analysis of
issue tangibility. The authors argue that territorial issues with greater intangible salience (e.g. historical possessions,
important homelands, sacred sites, identity ties) should be harder to resolve peacefully and should produce more frequent
and severe militarized conflict. Empirical analyses of 191 territorial claims in the Americas and Western Europe (1816–2001)
provide mixed support for these expectations. Territorial claims with high intangible salience are significantly more likely
to experience militarized disputes and wars. Surprisingly, though, states are much more likely to strike peaceful agreements
with their adversaries over territories that are valued for intangible reasons.
*This research was supported by National Science Foundation grants SES-0079421 and SES-0214447. 相似文献
11.
以可持续发展思想为指导,以生态文明观念为基础,从中国国情出发,分析了自然资源综合评价的重要意义和必要性。从生态文明的视角提出自然资源综合评价的概念框架,并且从自然资源系统的适应性评价、自然资源的价值评估、自然资源核算体系、自然资源开发利用的环境影响评价、自然资源开发利用的关联评价等方面对自然资源综合评价体系的构建进行了探讨。 相似文献
12.
Kathy L. Powers 《GeoJournal》2005,64(4):319-328
States employ international economic institutions as formal mechanisms in resource related conflict management. It is little known that states incorporate water resource management treaties in regional trade agreements (REIs) to jointly
manage (1) the multifaceted use of rivers and (2) the territorial implications of rivers as borders. Both can lead to political
tensions. I evaluate institutional effectiveness, through REI institutional design, in militarized interstate conflict. The
role of trade institutions in geo-politics is a broad theme addressed. African dyads, REIs and conflict from 1950 to 1996
are the focus. I test the liberal hypothesis that institutions diminish the likelihood of militarized interstate conflict.
Findings suggest allies that share memberships in REI water treaties with provisions for territorial boundary issues are more likely to fight than are other states. This relationship is weak, however, lending support to realist claims. 相似文献
13.
David Correia 《Geoforum》2007,38(5):1040-1051
Recent research on environmental conflict in New Mexico has focused on racial and ethnic conflict between environmentalists and Hispanic loggers as a means to explain the trajectory of environmental struggle and the failure of Hispano/environmentalist coalitions opposing Forest Service management policies. This paper seeks to extend this explanation by considering the constraining role of federal legislation, institutional management and commercial resource exploitation that limited opportunities for Hispano/environmental collaborative challenges to federal resource management arrangements. I analyze the foundations of sustained yield forestry on the Carson National Forest in northern New Mexico though a focus on the legal construction of sustained yield policies and the practices of implementing sustained yield on the Vallecitos Federal Sustained Yield Unit, a special timber production sub-unit of the Carson. The paper illustrates how the deployment of sustained yield forestry in New Mexico produced not only conditions of production favorable to commercial timber operators, but also established a complex and contradictory regulatory environment that effectively constrained collaborative efforts between environmentalists and small-scale loggers in their efforts to construct alternative futures for resource management in the region. 相似文献
14.
Izhak Schnell 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):221-234
The transition to globalization, socio-cultural fragmentation and an era of peace all constrain Zionism to a restructuring in its territorial perspectives. In the nation-building era, Zionism made the territory the focus of Zionist activity, which necessitated seizing territory, controlling it, and creating an affinity and attachment and a bond of identity between the nation and the territory. Pure colonization as a central strategy for realizing these national goals originated mainly from the unique historical circumstances of Zionism and from the adoption of an ethno-national ideology. This also led to the Palestinian-Jewish conflict that concentrated on the control of territory. The national economy regime that influenced Israel in different ways also served the territorial ideology to a great degree. Peace borders will require Israel to cooperate closely with Jordan, Palestine, Syria and Lebanon in managing resources, external influences and additional common interests. The peace economy will integrate with the multi-national economy. Furthermore, in the reality of peace, Israel will have to abandon the internal colonization of areas populated by Israeli Arab citizens and give greater legitimation to their more prominent inclusion the Israeli identity. It will also become difficult for any elite group to dictate the national agenda to other marginal groups, such as Israeli Arabs, and Sephardic or Orthodox Jews, each group creates for itself considerable degree of autonomy in its own territory. In the main, the national periphery divides into an Israeli Arab periphery beside the periphery of the traditionally religious Sephardic Jews. The ultra-Orthodox Jews take control of increasingly larger Israeli space and expanding the horizons of their public involvement beyond their traditional ghettos. Each group creates for itself a different symbolic space with differing views concerning the limits of Israeli sovereignty. 相似文献
15.
While extensively occurring natural resources play a fundamental role in the survival and recovery of postwar populations,
their management is not presently part of the operational priorities in a peace process. Dependence on naturally occurring
food, fuel, water, secure locations, and products that can be obtained and sold quickly for dislocated, war-weary populations
is a primary approach to postwar livelihoods. The peace process, however, focuses on the logistical and institutional aspects
of security, demobilization, reintegration and humanitarian efforts. The result is profound degradation of the spatially extensive
resources necessary for longer-term recovery. The primary reason for the inattention to resource degradation in a peace process
is that conventional conservation approaches do not fit with the priorities of a peace process or attend to the immediate
needs of a postwar population; designed as they are for stable, peaceful settings. This article focuses on the need to derive
postwar natural resource management approaches which can work with the in-place priorities of a peace process. Four such approaches
are suggested, with successful examples from specific countries.
相似文献
| Jon UnruhEmail: |
16.
David Newman 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):235-246
Territory remains a central component of national identity in the contemporary political discourse between Israelis and Palestinians, both populations opposing power sharing within the same space, for fear of the other's domination. The contemporary political discourse relates to conflict management and the desire for separate spaces within which national identities are strengthened through territorial/national homogeneity. The Zionist national ideology of most Jewish citizens of Israel has strong territorial roots; hence they reject the post-Zionist post-nationalist ideology, regardless of whether they accept the possibility of change in Israel's territorial configuration or of a diminishment in the importance of the territorial dimension of national struggle. The rights of residency and citizenship even of second and third generation Jewish citizens remain linked with the territorial configurations of a State that will continue to be called Israel and have a national anthem expressing the aspirations of a single, exclusive, national group. But within territorial readjustment, issues of configuration may become less relevant and in it is this sense that post-Zionism focuses on a discourse of territorial pragmatism, rather than the disappearance of territory from the nationality-citizenship debate altogether. It is part of a process of re-territorialization and spatial reconfiguration of political and national identities, not a reversal of territorialization, if only because there is no such thing as a post-territorial notion of the organization of political power. The boundaries of national identity become more permeable, more inclusive, but they do not disappear altogether. 相似文献
17.
城市地下普遍蕴藏着地下空间、地下水、浅层地热能和地质材料4 种地质资源。它们共生共存于同一地质环境系统中,彼此之间相互联系,一种资源的开发可能会对其它资源的开发潜力产生显著影响。为充分发挥地下各种资源对城市可持续发展的支撑作用,减少资源开发之间的冲突,城市地下开发的观念需要从片面的满足“一时一己”之需的单一资源开发转变为全局的多资源兼顾的协同开发。本文通过国内外文献调研,识别和概化出了9 种城市地下开发过程中地质资源相互影响的典型模式,总结出其相互影响具有互馈性、连锁性和动态变化性的特征,并列举了一些多种地质资源协同开发的典型案例,以期为城市地下开发效益的最大化提供支撑。 相似文献
18.
洛川黄土国家地质公园与当地经济互动发展初探 总被引：4，自引：0，他引：4
地质遗迹作为一种具有珍贵地质科学价值和独特造景功能的自然遗产，随着社会经济的发展，其保护与利用之间的矛盾已日益突出。同样，以地质遗迹资源为核心的地质公园也面临着如何协调地质遗迹保护与公园建设之间的矛盾。从以往经验来看，在保护好地质遗迹资源的前提下进行地质公园建设的保护性利用模式是一种有效的解决措施。为此，本文选择黄土国家地质公园作为研究对象，从地质公园建设与当地经济互动发展角度出发，探讨如何进行地质遗迹的保护性利用，从而达到有效保护地质遗迹资源的最终目的。 相似文献
19.
Jon D. Unruh 《GeoJournal》2005,64(3):225-237
Pastoralist access and use of common grazing resources in the Horn of Africa increasingly include armed confrontation over
diminishing resources and reduced access. This comes about as traditional customary institutions (sets of rules) for commons
management become compromised due to the presence of outside influences and actors which significantly change both resource
availability, and conceptions about who is subject to traditional rules governing commons – particularly rules associated
with exclusion. At the same time a combination of local knowledge regarding what happens to open access commons (degradation),
a reluctance to give up control of commons and associated ways of life, and armed conflict as a viable alternative for exclusion
rules, provide for combative situations and large costs. While a great deal of valuable work has been accomplished regarding
the derivation of effective institutions to better manage commons, situations of armed conflict can seem particularly distant
from effective rule-making, because few institutions can endure the stresses of armed conflict. Recent developments in Ethiopia
however suggest an unexpected proximity between armed confrontation and the prospect for commons management rule-making. With
examples from the Afar, Somali and Karamojong Cluster pastoralists, this paper examines the ingredients for rule-making in
combative commons situations. Specific coincident forms of state recognition, donor flexibility, perceptions of the cost of
conflict, and the local to international reaction to these, are examined for their utility and limitations in the provision
of a facilitating context for institution derivation for commons management. 相似文献
20.
Tantoh Henry Bikwibili Simatele Danny Mulala Ebhuoma Eromose Donkor Kwabena McKay Tracey J. M. 《GeoJournal》2021,86(2):943-961
This paper examines community-based water supply management (CBWSM) in three rural districts of Northwest Cameroon as well as a review of the literature focusing on some successful community-based natural resource management initiatives in sub-Saharan Africa. Using empirical and secondary data collected through participatory research methods, it is argued that CBWSM has failed to achieve sustainable water supplies in Northwest Cameroon. Findings revealed that centralized control, the prevalence of poverty, passive involvement of public, private and grassroots community has continued to thwart water supplies within these districts. It is important to note that in any natural resource management system, power becomes a crucial factor as it determines who has and does not have access to common-pool resources. This paper argues that argues that strong traditional leadership, resolute devolution, and active participation of rural communities will facilitate and invigorate a platform for capturing the views of diverse user groups and this can bring about a people-centered and community-driven development process. Some aspects of best practice arising from successful case studies in Cameroon can contribute significantly to promoting the development of effective CBWSM in other rural communities with similar characteristics in and out of Cameroon. This will be possible only if rural groups are involved and engaged in the management of their resources while integrating some aspects of best practice.
相似文献