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1.
基于历史文献研究的方法,利用北宋中期垦田数据及宋代人口粮食需求量、粮食亩产量等史料,考察了北宋中期南北方的垦田隐匿特点、北宋户均垦田数的合理范围及西南五路的户均基本垦田需求,并据此对北宋中期路域耕地面积进行了再估算。主要结论：北宋垦田隐匿比例不具有北高南低的区域分异特征;北宋户均垦田数的合理范围为20~100亩;西南五路的户均基本垦田需求数约为20~30亩;北宋中期境内耕地面积约为731.9×106今亩,土地垦殖率为16.9%,其中,北方耕地面积约占29.7%,南方约占70.3%;黄淮海平原、长江中下游平原、两湖平原和成都平原等是北宋耕地的主要分布区,而西南地区垦殖率较低。合理订正北宋中期路域耕地面积,对重建中国过去千年LUCC数据集具有重要意义。 相似文献
2.
北宋路域耕地面积重建及时空特征分析 总被引：4，自引：2，他引：2
基于垦田和户口史料及耕地分布影响因子的分析,本文建立了北宋册载垦田数据的订正方法以及路域耕地分布倾向模型和分配模型,重建了北宋4个时点的路域耕地面积。结果表明：① 北宋开宝九年（976年）、至道三年（997年）、治平三年（1066年）和元丰元年（1078年）的耕地总量分别为468.27×106今亩、495.53×106今亩、697.65×106今亩和731.94×106今亩,百年间耕地面积增加了约2.64亿今亩;垦殖率从开宝九年（976年）的10.8%,增加至元丰元年（1078年）的16.9%,提高了约6个百分点;而人均耕地面积由15.7今亩降至8.4今亩。② 从空间变化特征看,东南地区是北宋土地垦殖发展最快的地区,土地垦殖率增加了约12.0%,北宋中期长江中下游平原局部地区垦殖率高达40%;其次是北方地区,土地垦殖率增加了5.2%,北宋中期黄淮海平原的土地垦殖率也超过了20%;西南地区农业发展相对落后,区域土地垦殖率仅增加1.2%,除成都府路外,各路垦殖率均低于6%。③ 从评估结果看,本文所构建的路域耕地分配模型具有一定的可行性,相对误差绝对值小于20%的路域占总路数的84.2%,结果能较好地反映北宋时期路域耕地面积的时空变化特征。 相似文献
3.
基于明代册载田亩、屯田和人口数据,以及相关赋役制度和土地制度等史料,考察了明代册载田亩和屯田数据的合理性,辨识了导致明代册载数据失实的主要因素,重建了明代典型时点省域耕地面积。结果表明：① 册籍讹误、官民田和卫所屯田的分类统计及山、塘、湖、荡等非耕地的登册起科,是导致洪武和万历年间册载数据失实的主要原因。② 洪武年间河南和湖广册载田亩数据人均耕地面积畸高,其原因为“册籍讹误”,订正后的数值分别为41万今亩和18万今亩;该时期研究区阙载的屯田总额约为5620万今亩。③ 非耕地的登册起科主要出现在南方地区,且洪武和万历年间浙江、南直隶、江西、湖广等省的册载田土数据中非耕地占比分别为24.7%、23.3%、4.4%、3.7%和28.9%、16.2%、19.2%、11.6%。④ 洪武二十六年（1393年）至万历十一年（1583年）,研究区耕地总量由49 550万今亩增至75 430万今亩;省域土地垦殖变化呈现明显的区域差异,河南和山东两省垦殖率增量超过15个百分点,湖广和四川超过3个百分点,而其余各省增量低于1个百分点。区域历史时期土地利用/覆被变化数据重建,不仅是区域生态环境效应模拟的客观需求,也可为充实和完善全球数据集提供参考。 相似文献
4.
清末耕地空间分布格局重建方法比较 总被引：4，自引：2，他引：2
揭示历史时期土地利用/覆盖变化是认识人类活动对气候和环境影响的基础。本文在耕地面积、人口数量、土地利用及森林分布等多源数据基础上,分别以近代耕地空间分布格局和历史时期耕地潜在分布区为边界条件,通过构建耕地垦殖倾向指数模型分配耕地面积,在1 km×1 km象元尺度上重建了清末(1908年)松嫩平原耕地空间格局,并对重建结果进行分析比较。结果表明:1两种方法重建的耕地空间分布范围格局基本一致,耕地空间定位吻合率约为68%。清末(1908年)耕地集中分布在松嫩平原东部和南部地区;2以历史时期耕地潜在分布为边界条件的重建结果,较以近代耕地空间分布格局为限制范围的重建结果更准确,更符合历史事实。 相似文献
5.
西藏雅鲁藏布江中游河谷地区1830年耕地格局重建 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
通过收集、整理《铁虎清册》中记录的雅鲁藏布江中游河谷地区1830年的耕地税收数据,将其换算为现代耕地面积,在此基础上运用网格化模型重建出该区1 km×1 km空间分辨率的耕地格局。结果显示：① 从耕地数量分析,1830年研究区耕地面积约895 km2,其中政府占有耕地39%,贵族占有耕地31%,寺庙占有耕地29%。② 从耕地分布格局分析,研究区内耕地分布较少,只有27.4%的网格具有耕地分布,且呈分散分布状态,耕地主要分布在雅鲁藏布江干流及主要支流宽阔的河谷地区。③ 从垦殖程度分析,全区垦殖程度较低,其平均垦殖率仅有0.6%,其中垦殖率最高的地区是拉萨,平均垦殖率为6.3%;日喀则、江孜、乃东、琼结等地垦殖率均达到3%左右;工布地区和西部县区垦殖率均在1%以下,耕地垦殖率区域差异明显。 相似文献
6.
清代中期苏皖地区耕地数据网格化处理及精度对比 总被引：4，自引：2，他引：2
格点化区域历史土地利用数据是进行历史土地利用/土地覆被变化环境效应模拟的基础。本文基于苏皖地区耕地垦殖倾向,分别采用清代中期苏皖地区省域及县域耕地数据进行网格化降尺度处理,分配至10 km×10 km的网格中,并将两种分配结果进行对比评估来定量探讨数据的空间范围大小对格点化数据的精度影响。得到以下结果:①用苏皖省域耕地数据和县域耕地数据模拟的网格化结果之间存在差异,平均差异率为16.61%。相对差异率较小(-10%~10%)的网格有24.55%,较大(>70%或<-70%)的网格有13.3%,主要存在于洪泽湖流域及苏北北部沿江平原(黄河改道前入海口处)。②苏皖地区清代中期耕地的空间分布具有一定的地域差异。耕地垦殖率较高的地区主要集中于苏南平原地区的太仓市和昆山市北部,苏皖西北部的砀山县、丰县和沛县,垦殖率均在80%以上;而苏北北部旧黄河入海口、洪泽湖流域、太湖流域及安徽南部山区丘陵地区垦殖率较低,多在10%左右。③1735 年耕地主要分布于海拔高度≤100 m,坡度≤2°的地区。到1980s 时,不同坡度下的垦殖率有较大增加。 相似文献
7.
北宋中期耕地面积及其空间分布格局重建 总被引：12，自引：2，他引：10
以北宋暖期为研究时段,依据历史文献中有关“田亩”与“户额”的记载资料,通过对赋役、户籍、土地等制度的考证,订正了北宋中期各路耕地面积和府级人口数量;并以地面坡度、海拔高程和人口密度作为影响土地宜垦程度的主导因子,网格化重建了北宋中期境内耕地空间分布格局(60 km×60 km)。结果表明：(1) 北宋中期境内耕地约7.2 亿亩,北方占40.1%,南方占59.9%;人口数量为8720 万人,北方占38.7%,南方占61.3%;境内土地垦殖率为16.6%,人均耕地面积为8.2 亩。(2) 垦殖率较大的地区主要分布在黄淮海平原、长江中下游平原、关中平原、两湖平原以及四川盆地等,其垦殖率基本在40%以上;而岭南、西南(除成都平原外)、东南沿海和山陕黄土高原等地区垦殖率较低,其垦殖率大多小于20%。(3) 耕地分布在不同海拔高度和坡度上存在明显差异,其中低海拔(< 250m)、中海拔(250~1000 m) 和高海拔(1000~3500 m) 地区的耕地分别为4.43、2.15 和0.64 亿亩,其相应平均垦殖率为27.5%、12.6%和7.2%;而平耕地(≤ 2°)、缓坡耕地(2°~6°)、坡耕地(6°~15°) 和陡坡耕地(>15°) 的面积分别为1.16、4.56、1.44 和0.02 亿亩,其平均垦殖率分别为34.6%、20.7%、8.5%和2.3%。 相似文献
8.
1700—1978年云南山地掌鸠河流域耕地时空演变的网格化重建 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
基于多源数据资料重建小尺度区域历史时期土地利用/覆盖变化,对深入理解土地利用变化的驱动力机制及其环境和气候效应具有重要意义。本文利用从流域尺度聚落格局演变重建到聚落尺度耕地数量和空间分布重建,再到流域尺度耕地格局重建的思路,以云南山地典型的中小流域为研究区,以历史文献资料、田野考察资料、历史地理学研究成果、档案资料、现代统计资料、地理基础数据为支撑,综合考虑区域自然因素（坡度、海拔高度）、人文因素（人口、政策、农业技术、耕地与居民点距离）,设计了历史时期山地小尺度区域耕地网格化重建模型,重建了1700—1978年具有明确时间和空间属性的网格化耕地格局。结果表明：① 掌鸠河流域的耕地面积近300 a增长6.3倍,垦殖率从1700年的2.1%上升到1978年的15.6%。② 不同地形区的耕地面积差异较为显著,其中山区和半山区的耕地面积最大,且增长速度最快;平坝区和中下游河谷区的耕地面积增长相对平缓,是自然环境、人口、政策和农业技术等因素综合作用的结果。③ 通过总耕地面积和人均耕地面积等对结果进行验证,证明了重建结果的合理性。本文设计的网格化重建模型可以为模拟具有明确时间和空间属性的小尺度区域历史耕地网格化数据集提供参考。 相似文献
9.
过去百年青海和西藏耕地空间格局重建及其时空变化 总被引：7，自引：1，他引：6
网格化的历史土地利用/覆被数据集,可为历史气候变化和碳循环研究提供基础数据。本文估算了1910年,并订正了1950-2000年青海和西藏的省域耕地面积数据;基于现代耕地空间格局,量化了海拔高程和地面坡度与耕地空间分布之间的关系,构建了历史耕地网格化重建模型。将1910、1960、1980和2000年的省域耕地面积数据带入网格化重建模型,得到了4个时间断面的耕地空间格局。结果表明:青藏两省耕地面积1910-1950年稳定,1950-1980年快速增加,1980-2000年基本稳定,略有降低。就空间格局而言,1960-1980年,河湟谷地和"一江两河"地区土地开垦范围的扩张和垦殖强度的增长在过去百年最为明显。模型检验表明,模型重建的2000年耕地空间格局与2000年遥感数据相关系数达0.92。 相似文献
10.
通过梳理和集成近年研究成果,综述了过去2000年中国主要农耕区拓展的阶段性及其间全国耕地面积和其中近千年垦殖率变化的主要特征。主要结论有：① 中国主要农耕区第一次大规模拓展出现在西汉,从黄河中下游拓至整个长江以北地区;第二次在唐宋时期,主要是长江以南农耕区域从平原低地拓垦至丘陵山地;第三次在清中叶以后,主要是对东北、西北和西南等边疆地区的拓垦和山地的深度开发。② 过去2000年中国耕地面积呈波动增加趋势,公元初突破5亿亩（1亩≈ 667 m2）,8世纪前期突破6亿亩,11世纪后半叶达近8亿亩,16世纪后期突破10亿亩,19世纪前期突破12亿亩,1953年逾16亿亩,1980年逾20亿亩。③ 中国耕地空间分布的主体格局至11世纪前后就已基本奠定。1080年前后,黄淮海、关中平原等的垦殖率达30%以上,长江三角洲、鄱阳湖平原、两湖平原和四川盆地等达30%左右。1850年前后,华北平原、汾渭盆地和陇东地区、四川盆地、两湖平原、鄱阳湖平原及长三角地区等的垦殖率均超过30%。2000年前后,东北平原、黄淮海地区、汾渭盆地和陇东地区、四川盆地、长江中下游平原等农业区中有2/3以上垦殖率超过50%,辽西丘陵、坝上高原、黄土高原及南方各省的丘陵山地也多达15%以上;西北绿洲农业带及青藏高原河谷农业带的局部地区也达50%以上。 相似文献
11.
Reconstructing provincial cropland area in eastern China during the early Yuan Dynasty (AD1271-1294)
Reconstructing historical land use and land cover change (LUCC) at the regional scale is an important component of global environmental change studies and of improving global historical land use datasets. By analyzing data in historical documents, including military-oriented cropland (hereafter M-cropland) area, the number of households engaged in M-cropland (hereafter M-household) reclamation, cropland area, and the number of households, we propose a conversion relationship between M-cropland area and cropland area reclaimed by each household. A provincial cropland area estimation method for the Yuan Dynasty is described and used to reconstruct the provincial cropland area for AD1290. Major findings are as follows. (1) Both the M-cropland and cropland areas of each household were high in the north and low in the south during the Yuan Dynasty, which resulted from different natural conditions and planting practices. Based on this observation, the government-allocated M-cropland reclamation area to each household was based on the cropland area reclaimed by each household. (2) The conversion relationship between M-cropland and cropland areas per household showed conversion coefficients of 1.23 and 0.65 for the south and north, respectively. (3) The cropland area in the entire study area in AD1290 was 535.4×106 mu (Chinese area unit, 1 mu=666.7 m2), 57.8% in the north and 42.2% in the south. The fractional cropland areas for the entire study area, north, and south were 6.8%, 6.6%, and 7.1%, respectively and the per capita cropland areas for the whole study area, north, and south were 6.7, 15.6, and 4.1 mu, respectively. (4) Cropland was mainly distributed in the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River (including the Fuli area), Huaihe River Basin (including Henan Province), and middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River (including Jiangzhe, Jiangxi, and Huguang provinces). 相似文献
12.
《地理学报(英文版)》2017,(5)
Based on data on taxed-cropland area and on the number of households in historical documents, a probabilistic model of cropland distribution and a cropland area allocation model were designed and validated. Cropland areas for the years AD976, 997, 1066, and 1078 were estimated at the level of Lu(an administrative region of the Northern Song Dynasty). The results indicated that(1) the cropland area of the whole study region for AD976, 997, 1066, and 1078 was about 468.27 million mu(a Chinese unit of area, with1 mu=666.7m2), 495.53 million mu, 697.65 million mu, and 731.94 million mu, respectively. The fractional cropland area(FCA) increased from 10.7% to 16.8%, and the per capita cropland area decreased from 15.7 mu to 8.4 mu.(2) With regard to the cropland spatial pattern, the FCA of the southeast, north, and southwest regions of the Northern Song territory increased by 12.0%, 5.2%, and 1.2%, respectively. The FCA of some regions in the Yangtze River Plain increased to greater than 40%, and the FCA of the North China Plain increased to greater than 20%. However, the FCA of the southwest region(except for the Chengdu Plain) in the Northern Song territory was less than 6%.(3) There were 84.2% Lus whose absolute relative error was smaller than 20% in the mid Northern Song Dynasty. The validation results indicate that our models are reasonable and that the results of reconstruction are credible. 相似文献
13.
北宋中期耕地面积及其空间分布格局重建(英文) 总被引：3，自引：1，他引：2
To understand historical human-induced land cover change and its climatic effects, it is necessary to create historical land use datasets with explicit spatial information. Using the taxes-cropland area and number of families compiled from historical documents, we esti-mated the real cropland area and populations within each Lu (a province-level political region in the Northern Song Dynasty) in the mid-Northern Song Dynasty (AD1004-1085). The es-timations were accomplished through analyzing the contemporary policies of tax, population and agricultural development. Then, we converted the political region-based cropland area to geographically explicit grid cell-based fractional cropland at the cell size of 60 km by 60 km. The conversion was based on calculating cultivation suitability of each grid cell using the topographic slope, altitude and population density as the independent variables. As a result, the total area of cropland within the Northern Song territory in the 1070s was estimated to be about 720 million mu (Chinese area unit, 1 mu = 666.7 m2), of which 40.1% and 59.9% oc-curred in the north and south respectively. The population was estimated to be about 87.2 million, of which 38.7% and 61.3% were in the north and south respectively, and per capita cropland area was about 8.2 mu. The national mean reclamation ratio (i.e. ratio of cropland area to total land area; RRA hereafter for short) was bout 16.6%. The plain areas, such as the North China Plain, the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, Guanzhong Plain, plains surrounding the Dongting Lake and Poyang Lake and Sichuan Basin, had a higher RRA, being mostly over 40%; while the hilly and mountainous areas, such as south of Nanling Mountains, the southwest regions (excluding the Chengdu Plain), Loess Plateau and south-east coastal regions, had a lower RRA, being less than 20%. Moreover, RRA varied with topographic slope and altitude. In the areas of low altitude (≤250 m), middle altitude (250-100 m) and high altitude (1000-3500 m), there were 443 million, 215 million and 64 million mu of cropland respectively and their regional mean RRAs were 27.5%, 12.6% and 7.2% respectively. In the areas of flat slope, gentle slope, medium slope and steep slope, there were 116 million, 456 million, 144 million and 2 million mu of cropland respectively and their regional mean RRAs were 34.6%, 20.7%, 8.5% and 2.3% respectively. 相似文献
14.
Crop cover reconstruction and its effects on sediment retention in the Tibetan Plateau for 1900–2000
Geographically explicit historical land use and land cover datasets are increasingly required in studies of climatic and ecological effects of human activities. In this study, using historical population data as a proxy, the provincial cropland areas of Qinghai province and the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) for 1900, 1930, and 1950 were estimated. The cropland areas of Qinghai and the TAR for 1980 and 2000 were obtained from published statistical data with revisions. Using a land suitability for cultivation model, the provincial cropland areas for the 20th century were converted into crop cover datasets with a resolution of 1 × 1 km. Finally, changes of sediment retention due to crop cover change were assessed using the sediment delivery ratio module of the Integrated Valuation of Ecosystem Services and Trade-offs (In- VEST) model (version 3.3.1). There were two main results. (1) For 1950–1980 the fractional cropland area increased from 0.32% to 0.48% and land use clearly intensified in the Tibetan Plateau (TP), especially in the Yellow River–Huangshui River Valley (YHRV) and the midstream of the Yarlung Zangbo River and its two tributaries valley (YRTT). For other periods of the 20th century, stability was the main trend. (2) For 1950–1980, sediment export increased rapidly in the Minhe autonomous county of the YHRV, and in the Nianchu River and Lhasa River basins of the YRTT, which means that sediment retention clearly decreased in these regions over this period. The results of this assessment provide scientific support for conservation planning, development planning, or restoration activities. 相似文献
15.
LIU Jia XIAO Yu HUANG Mengdong ZHANG Changshun QIN Keyu XU Jie LIU Jingya 《资源与生态学报(英文版)》2023,14(1):195-206
The water supply services of the Li River are essential for the ecological environment and local social development. Based on the InVEST model, we quantitatively analyzed the spatial and temporal distribution patterns of water supply services in the Li River Basin from 2000 to 2018 at multiple scales, including the raster, sub-basin, and regional scales, clarified the differences in water yield among different land use types, and explored the different stages of changes in the characteristics of water services. The results revealed four key aspects of this system. (1) The water supply service of Li River Basin showed a spatial distribution pattern of high in the north and low in the south, and the water yield gradually decreased from north to south. (2) Among the various land use types in Li River Basin, the average water supply capacity decreased in the following order: artificial surface, unused land, grassland, forest, cropland and wetland. (3) The average amounts of water services in the 18 sub-basins varied widely, with four sub-basins belonging to the high-value area for water supply services, eight in the middle-value area, and six in the low-value area. (4) From 2000 to 2010, the regions with large fluctuations in water supply services include the midstream region, Lipu River region, and the northern region of Gongcheng River; while from 2010 to 2018, the areas with large fluctuations were in the midstream region and Gongcheng River region. The results of this research increase our understanding of the water supply services in the Li River Basin and provide a critical scientific basis for the reverse compensation of a regional ecological compensation mechanism. 相似文献
16.
重庆市武隆县农地流转下农业劳动力对耕地撂荒的不同尺度影响 总被引：12，自引：1，他引：11
在农地流转市场日趋完善的背景下,农户间的耕地流转无疑会缓解因部分农户劳动力不足造成的耕地撂荒现象,但仅从农户尺度上分析难以揭示农业劳动力数量与耕地撂荒间的关系。运用重庆市武隆县17 个乡镇40个自然村的308 份农户调查数据,通过二分类Logistic 回归模型、简单相关和偏相关分析,从农户和村庄两个层次上探讨农业劳动力对耕地撂荒的影响程度及农地流转对两者关系的影响。结果显示：① 农户尺度上亩均农业劳动力对耕地是否撂荒的影响不显著,而在村庄尺度上显著。② 亩均务农劳动力与耕地撂荒规模的偏相关回归分析中,控制耕地流转和不控制流转条件下,农户尺度上两者的偏相关系数和简单相关系数分别为-0.138 和-0.027,前者在1%水平上显著,而后者不显著;村庄尺度上,控制流转和不控制流转的相关系数分别为-0.273 和-0.294,均在5%水平上显著。③ 在农地流转市场较为完善的地区,选择在村庄尺度上进行农业劳动力对耕地撂荒影响分析研究是比较合理的。 相似文献