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81.
李燕 《热带地理》2013,33(6):756-765
明中后期澳门的兴起既是历史选择的一次偶然,也是明代特殊海外贸易政策下的必然结果。文章从明代朝贡贸易和市舶司制度的兴衰入手,探讨澳门兴起的动力机制和主要影响因素,特别是在澳门兴起过程中广州所起的作用以及两者的经济互动。同时,基于明代全国视角下的海外贸易与港口分布的总体格局,综合分析澳门、广州以及隆庆以后的月港这3个在明代后期开放的港口,探讨三者在功能、性质、贸易对象等方面的异同点,进一步论证澳门的兴起在很大程度上受益于明代朝贡贸易体制对海外贸易和港口发展的束缚。正是由于广州在明代后期对外通商的垄断性和不完整性,澳门才能以广州外港的性质互补,从而成为当时最大的东西方国际贸易体系之枢纽。  相似文献   
82.
明清时期嘉陵江流域水旱灾害时空分布特征   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
马强  杨霄 《地理研究》2013,32(2):257-265
在系统搜集、整理明清时期嘉陵江流域水旱灾害历史资料并对其进行量化统计分析的基础上,揭示了明清时期的500多年间嘉陵江流域水旱灾害存在如下特征:①水灾和旱灾频繁,而水灾略多于旱灾。两种灾害的发生频率分别为2.56年/次和3.03年/次;②水旱灾害主要发生在农历五、六、七月。在发生月份可考的灾害中,农历五、六、七月发生的旱灾超过了总数之半,水灾也达到水灾总数的69.5%;③涪江流域是水旱灾害发生最频繁的区域。涪江流域的水灾次数占嘉陵江流域水灾总数的31%,旱灾占嘉陵江流域的38%;④水旱灾害等级以一般性灾害和大灾害为主,特大灾害较少。明清时期嘉陵江流域的212次水灾中,一般性水灾147次,大水灾42次,特大水灾23次;所发生的179次旱灾中,一般性旱灾115次,大旱灾42次,特大旱灾22次;⑤森林覆盖率与水旱灾害的发生次数成反比例关系。本文所探讨的明清时期嘉陵江流域水旱灾害的时空分布特征对当前该区域的防灾减灾工作有重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
83.
More than 240 items of historical records containing climatic information were retrieved from official historical books, local chronicles, annals and regional meteorological disaster yearbooks. By using moisture index and flood/drought (F/D) index obtained from the above information, the historical climate change, namely wet-dry conditions in borderland of Shaanxi Province, Gansu Province and Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region (BSGN, mainly included Ningxialu, Hezhoulu, Gongchanglu, Fengyuanlu and Yan’anlu in the Yuan Dynasty) was studied. The results showed that the climate of the region was generally dry and the ratio between drought and flood disasters was 85/38 during the period of 1208–1369. According to the frequencies of drought-flood disasters, the whole period could be divided into three phases. (1) 1208–1240: drought dominated the phase with occasional flood disasters. (2) 1240–1320: long-time drought disasters and extreme drought events happened frequently. (3) 1320–1369: drought disasters were less severe when flood and drought disasters happened alternately. Besides, the reconstructed wet-dry change curve revealed obvious transition and periodicity in the Mongol–Yuan Period. The transitions occurred in 1230 and 1325. The wet-dry change revealed 10- and 23-year quasi-periods which were consistent with solar cycles, indicating that solar activity had affected the wet-dry conditions of the study region in the Mongol–Yuan Period. The reconstructed results were consistent with two other study results reconstructed from natural evidences, and were similar to another study results from historical documents. All the above results showed that the climate in BSGN was characterized by long-time dry condition with frequent severe drought disasters during 1258 to 1308. Thus, these aspects of climatic changes might have profound impacts on local vegetation and socio-economic system.  相似文献   
84.
清末新疆建省后,清政府对伊犁城市体系布局的思想发生了变化,城市体系从具有突出的军事政治职能的特征转变为建省后城市军事职能与行政职能分离,行政职能增强。这一趋势显示出城市职能结构多元发展的特征。伊犁9个城形成了等级分明的城市体系,建省前的惠远城和惠宁城是级别最高的城市,建省后的绥定城、宁远城和惠远新城为第一等级的城市,体现了行政建置与经济发展对城市规模的推动力。城市体系空间布局结构,从军府制下的满城中心-边缘结构和条块隔离结构,转变为按照省府州县制度下的府治与道治治所双中心-边缘与东西块状结构。  相似文献   
85.
吴承忠  邓辉  舒时光 《地理研究》2014,33(8):1579-1592
研究清代陕蒙交界地区的土地利用问题,可以反映出该地区300多年以来人与环境之间的互动关系,具有重要意义。运用历史地理学的历史文献研究等方法,分析禁垦时期、限垦时期到放垦时期陕蒙交界区土地开垦的发展过程。结果表明:从动态的角度来看,清代陕蒙交界地区“南田北草”格局的分界线存在一个由“二边”—“大边”—康熙线—乾隆线—光绪线逐步北移的过程,但仍是“相对稳定”、“相对清晰”的。清代陕蒙交界地区“南田北草”格局分布及农业生产的发展,始终存在一个“理性垦殖”选择的过程,这是由特有的地理环境决定并受到当时政治经济形势的影响。  相似文献   
86.
王申  岳书波  曾剑 《古地理学报》2019,21(4):685-694
钱塘江河口是世界著名强潮河口。基于历史文献资料,系统梳理考证了明代(公元1368—1644年)钱塘江河口潮灾记录,分析了潮灾的空间、时间分布特征:(1)北岸潮灾远多于南岸,海门以上河口段与海门以下河口段潮灾次数基本持平,但均少于河口湾段。(2)潮灾在南北两岸的空间分布上,存在转移与变迁,由此导致两岸分别存在明显的平缓期—爆发期—平缓期交替,但平缓期与爆发期的时长并不固定。(3)潮灾强度变化与潮灾频次分布有较强关联,高强度潮灾多发于潮灾频发期。结合历史气候、江道地形等自然环境背景,探讨了影响潮灾时空分布的要素,认为钱塘江潮灾发生的频次及规模大小与流域内干湿变化及历史气温升降有明显关联,而历史极端潮灾则常是多种要素耦合的结果。  相似文献   
87.
自古以来,蝗灾与水灾、旱灾并称为中国农业社会的三大自然灾害。基于史料文献收集了明清时期安徽历史蝗灾记录,通过构建10 a尺度上的蝗灾频次序列和1 a尺度上的蝗灾县次序列,在县域尺度上绘制了蝗灾指数分布图,探讨了蝗灾演化时空动态过程。通过引入饥荒、米价以及疫灾序列分析了蝗灾对社会的影响以及古代社会对蝗灾的响应过程。结果表明: 明清时期安徽境内共发生181次蝗灾,每3.2次/10 a,累计653个受灾县次,平均3.6县/a;安徽地区发生了5次大蝗灾事件,这与同时期的干旱密切相关;安徽长江以北地区的蝗灾指数高于南部山区,地形、水旱灾害以及人类活动等因素是影响蝗灾指数分布差异的主要原因。蝗灾对社会产生了复杂深远的影响,是引发饥荒的重要因素,并间接导致瘟疫现象。蝗灾大范围出现后导致短期内米价暴涨,增加社会不稳定性。政府的捕蝗救灾的方式与能力直接影响群众的生存状况,是保障社会稳定的重要机制。综合看来,蝗灾会对农业子系统、经济子系统、社会子系统和技术子系统产生多重影响。  相似文献   
88.
贾丹  张成鹏  唐菲  刘艳飞 《地理科学》2015,35(7):919-924
提取历史文献中有关清代北疆地区的农事记录,分析作物种植结构的变化,并与树轮重建的北疆5~8月温度序列进行对比,发现作物结构对气候有较好的响应,在3个偏冷阶段,即1732~1744、1776~1796、1828~1848年间,奏折记录显示以青稞、糜子、小麦喜凉、温作物为主。在3个偏暖阶段,即1745~1775年,1797~1827年,1849~1860年间,北疆开始试种豌豆、小麦、谷子喜温作物成功并逐年扩大种植面积。  相似文献   
89.
Based on the temporal-spatial distribution features of ancient settlement sites from the middle and Iate Neolithic Age to the Han dynasty in the Chaohu Lake Basin of Anhui Province,East China.using the methods of GIS combined with the reconstructed paleoenvironment by the records of lake sediment since Holocene,the transmutation of ancient sottlements with response to environmental changes in this area has been discussed.Studies show that the main feature of transmutation of ancient settlements from the middle and Iate Neolithic Age to the Han Dynasty was that the distribution of settlements In this area changed from high altitudes to Iow ones and kept approaching the Chaohu Lake with the passage of time.These could be the response to the climate change from warm-moist to a relatively warm-dry condition during the middle Holocene.leading to the lake level fluctuations.The large area of exposed land provided enough space for human activities.These indicate that the above changes in geomorphologic evolution and hydrology influenced by climate cenditions affected the transmutation of ancient settlements greatly.The distribution pattern of settlement sites was that the number of sites in the west was more than in the east.This pattern may be related to the geomorphologic conditions such as frequent channel shifting of the Yangtze River as well as flood disasters during the Holocene optimum.Therefore,climate change was the inducement of the transmutation of ancient settlements in the Chaohu Lake Basin,which exerted great influence on the distribution,expansion and development of the ancient settlements.  相似文献   
90.
This paper quantitatively divides the Tang Dynasty into five prosperous and chaotic social periods,and discusses the relationship between the social division and climate change. The criteria for determining prosperity and chaos is refered to a set of systematic war data. In order to verify the reasonableness of the division,we applied 1-way-ANOVA to test the differences of each variable index between prosperity and chaos periods. The results of social division are as follows: from AD 618 to AD 626,and from AD 743 to AD 784,as well as from AD 860 to AD 907 were the chaotic periods;while from AD 627 to A0 742,and from AD 785 to AD 859 were the prosperous periods. The results of 1-way-ANOVA show that,climate change,general wars,rebellions,offensive border wars,defensive border wars,agricultural harvests,and population growth rates are all significantly different between prosperity and chaos,except the general external wars. War data were used to quantitatively represent the social changes in the Tang Dynasty. In chaotic periods,the main types of wars are rebellions and defensive border wars,while the main type of wars in prosperous periods are offensive border wars. To explore the relationship between climate change and social division means to make clear the relationship between climate change and wars. The results of correlation analysis show the decrease of agricultural harvest due to lower temperature and less precipitation leads to the shortage of resources supply,so that the likelihood of rebellions increase;while during the warm periods with abundant rainfall,increasing agricultural harvest stimulates rapid population growth. Due to the limitations of technology and land resources,offensive border wars for expansion are more likely to occur.  相似文献   
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