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71.
Hans Knippenberg 《GeoJournal》2006,67(4):253-265
Historical processes of state formation and nation building are crucial for an understanding of the geography of religions
and churches in Europe. Each country has developed its own model of state-church relations, giving rise to a ‘bewildering
variety’ as Grace Davie aptly remarks. The aim of this paper is to bring some order to this variety by developing a framework
for the comparative study of church-state relations based on Stein Rokkan’s famous conceptual map and recent extensions of
it to Central and Eastern Europe by John Madeley. According to that framework Europe has been divided into three mono-confessional
(Roman Catholic, Lutheran, and Eastern Orthodox) blocs and two multi-confessional culture belts from Northwest to Southeast,
and from Northeast to Southeast. This historical pattern has been challenged by secularisation, which started with the Enlightenment
and the French Revolution (Western Europe) and the Russian Revolution (Eastern Europe until the velvet revolutions of 1989/1991)
and then became widespread after the ‘cultural revolutions’ of the 1960s. A second challenge has to do with globalisation
and its consequences, such as massive immigration and the rise of immigrant religions, and in general deterritorialisation,
which means the disembeddedness of religion from its national territory. A third challenge concerns reterritorialisation at
other (supranational, regional, transnational, and local) scales, of which the new territorial order of the European Union
seems to be the most important. Finally, this paper serves as an introduction to the case studies on church-state relations
in this special issue. 相似文献
72.
Racism has become a fact of life in Australia over the past decade or so, yet there are relatively few studies of its nature or extent, and still fewer on its geography. Using a social constructivist approach, this study draws on a survey of 5056 respondents to investigate attitudes to racism and cultural diversity in New South Wales and Queensland, and of perceptions of out-groups as instances of ‘strangers in our midst’. On racism, results show the presence of a continuum of attitudes ranging from generally tolerant to generally intolerant, a presence which cuts across compositional (social or aspatial) characteristics to emphasise the existence of a distinctive geography, an everywhere different nature to racist and non-racist attitudes which transcends urban–rural and traditional social layers. On the other hand, perceptions of out-groups are not uniformly correlated with presence or absence of cultural diversity. In many cases, the ability to make judgements about significant ‘others’ or out-groups has been shown to relate more to abstract notions of self and national identity, reproduced in public by mainstream news media and political leaders. In particular, it may reflect an Anglo (or Anglo-Celtic) view on nationalism, which is a hallmark of the ‘new racism’: an assimilationist or ethnocultural view of Australian society which is different from the ‘civic nation’ ideal envisaged by multiculturalism. That the geography of attitudes and perceptions people have towards and about different cultural groups is so ‘everywhere different’ has important implications for attempts to address and redress issues of intolerance in Australia. 相似文献
73.
Libby Porter 《The Australian geographer》2006,37(3):355-374
Aboriginal cultural heritage protection, and the legislative regimes that underpin it, constitute important mechanisms for Aboriginal people to assert their rights and responsibilities. This is especially so in Victoria, where legislation vests wide-ranging powers and control of cultural heritage with Aboriginal communities. However, the politics of cultural heritage, including its institutionalisation as a scientific body of knowledge within the state, can also result in a powerful limiting of Aboriginal rights and responsibilities. This paper examines the politics of cultural heritage through a case study of a small forest in north-west Victoria. Here, a dispute about logging has pivoted around differing conceptualisations of Aboriginal cultural heritage values and their management. Cultural heritage, in this case, is both a powerful tool for the assertion of Aboriginal rights and interests, but simultaneously a set of boundaries within which the state operates to limit and manage the challenge those assertions pose. The paper will argue that Aboriginal cultural heritage is a politically contested and shifting domain structured around Aboriginal law and politics, Australian statute and the legacy of colonial history. 相似文献
74.
Thomas O. Graff 《The Professional geographer》2006,58(1):54-64
The three largest discount chains, Kmart, Target, and Wal‐Mart, have adopted the supercenter format for expansion. This article examines the locations of and the competition among these supercenters. Wal‐Mart has the greatest number of supercenters and is driving the expansion of the supercenter format. Both Kmart and Target have clustered their supercenters in a small number of metropolitan markets. In contrast to Wal‐Mart and Kmart, Target has focused on a middle‐class rather than a blue‐collar clientele. Now Kmart is struggling following a declaration of bankruptcy. Wal‐Mart has largely defeated its supercenter competitors and now is confronting the major grocery chains for grocery sales. 相似文献
75.
76.
Christine M. Drennon 《Geographical review》2006,96(4):567-593
ABSTRACT. More than 140 court cases filed in the United States between 1970 and 2003 argued that unacceptable and unconstitutional funding disparities exist among school districts in most states. In those arguments, stories, statistics, and maps are used to compare various school districts to prove that conditions are indeed unequal. Both sides—plaintiff and defendant—use such information to disprove each other's contentions. In so doing, each assumes that the political spaces of the school districts are absolute, timeless, and independent. Failure to recognize that these spaces—the school districts—are not objective but, in fact, constitutive of the class and race relations actually being argued and debated in court further legitimates local geographies of privilege and deprivation. I examine the formation of the school districts around San Antonio, Texas to illustrate that these districts are far from independent of one another and were formed to isolate privileged communities from the rest of the city. A relational view of space‐time allows such spaces as school districts to assume a political role, as opposed to the absolute, independent spaces they now represent. 相似文献
77.
Brian Murton 《New Zealand geographer》2006,62(1):25-38
Abstract: This paper examines how the cultural politics of resource management were played out on the North Kaipara beach between about 1900 and 1971 between Māori and the representative of the Crown, the Marine Department. Particular attention is devoted to how, after regulations were introduced to protect toheroa, the giant surf clam, Māori struggled to assert their rights through a range of transgressions. The paper argues that this illustrates how cultural politics works both from the top down (the Marine Department's implementation of policy) and the bottom up (Māori resistance). It concludes that through an examination of this particular 'culture war', the foreshore emerges as a contested domain where politics, culture and epistemology are inseparable. 相似文献
78.
Abstract: This paper discusses three walking tour guides prepared for the 12th International Conference of Historical Geographers. It argues that the guides are innovative in terms of format, content and ironic sensibility. It construes them as devices for re-imagining Auckland's urban heritage. 相似文献
79.
Towards a method for postcolonial development geography? Possibilities and challenges 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
In this paper we explore the contours of a 'method' for postcolonial development geography, which makes it possible to imagine another 'world-picturing'. We suggest three steps towards such a method. First, we propose that a postcolonial method involves thinking about why we are doing research in the south in the first place; how we come to and produce our questions; and how we analyze and represent our findings based on our subject positionings. Second, that we need to recognize theorization as an inherent part of method, rethink how we currently theorize and reconfigure our methods of theorization to address wider political aims. Problematizing theorization helps challenge the universalism of Eurocentric theories, thus enabling development geography to move towards more decolonized versions and visions. Finally, that this must be accompanied by firmer recognition of our multiple investments – personal, institutional and geopolitical – and how they frame the possibilities for change. These are some possible steps that we think can reconfigure the 'scholarly track' that postcolonial development geographers traverse. 相似文献
80.
The knowledge of past events is important for the assessment of debris-flow hazard. Amongst the sources of information, documents
from historical archives are particularly important in sites where the debris flows cause damage to urban areas and transportation
routes. The paper analyses the availability of historical documents on debris flows in Northeastern Italy and discusses factors
that can influence the building of time series from archive data both at regional and single basin scales. An increased number
of debris flows was observed in the studied region for the last decades. This could be due both to an increased frequency
of the events and to a larger availability of information: the analysis carried out indicates that the latter factor is probably
the most influencing. The importance of factors, which affect the collection of data, including the conservation of documents
and the presence and fragility of the elements at risk, is stressed in view of a wise use of historical data on debris flows. 相似文献