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1.
Given the role of the American Geographical Society and its flagship journal, Geographical Review, in the Paris Peace Conference and its prominence in the discipline of geography ever since, this paper considers how the journal takes account of refugees in its pages from 1916 to 2018 using a bibliometric approach. The term “refugee” was tracked in every Geographical Review article published during this time period, using content to generate data and analysis in QSR NVivo. First, we identify key trends in scholarship over time, then we note the rise and fall of important key terms, and finally, we examine both the countries analyzed and how these geographies change over time. The results of this bibliometric analysis of refugees in Geographical Review reflect both global geopolitical dynamics and refugee governance structures, and broader trends in epistemology in the discipline of geography. Observations made on these trends and variations indicate a need to further explore shifting paradigms and master narratives, both past and emerging, built around the “refugee” concept and its treatment within the discipline of geography. 相似文献
2.
基于联合国难民署的动态监测数据,对2018年1月至2020年9月期间的缅孟边境罗兴亚难民人口规模、人口结构及其对区域地缘政治关系的影响进行分析。研究表明：1）缅孟边境罗兴亚难民规模大且呈不断增长的态势;女性难民多于男性,难民年龄结构趋于年轻型,以18岁以下的未成年人为主,青壮年难民占总人口比重次之且增长快速;在空间分布上表现出典型的“距缅孟边境的距离衰变规律”,即难民营地向西部扩张,难民规模呈现自东向西递减的分布规律。2）罗兴亚难民的人口规模及结构对区域地缘政治关系产生了显著影响。一是深刻影响着缅甸的民主化进程;二是对缅孟边境安全形成挑战,导致缅孟关系趋于紧张;三是引发了多地缘行为体的介入与关注,进而引发了围绕难民问题的地缘政治博弈,导致东盟内部的分化及其地缘政治的外溢效应。3）相较于部分西方国家及国际组织,中国提出的“三步走”解决方案符合缅孟两国的实际情况,在中缅孟联合工作组机制下,罗兴亚难民问题正朝着合作共商的道路积极推进解决。 相似文献
3.
Stefano Malatesta 《Geographical review》2013,103(4):537-555
The study of flood hazard has been a key theme within the spatial analysis of natural hazards. A number of authors have expanded on this tradition by adopting a society‐oriented approach to risk perception. Thus a new framework has become available for exploring social response to risk and describing the relationship between human communities and hazards in terms of contemporary interpretative categories such as social representation and “stigmatization,” the latter defined as the process by which media and social actors mark places affected by disastrous events as dangerous and unsafe sites. This literature has made a vital contribution to the geographical reading of flood hazard, showing how flood risk generates both space‐ and place‐making processes. In this paper I discuss the relationship between these two processes, suggesting that the political response to flood hazard may be viewed as a hetero‐directed strategy that influences place‐making at a local level. I illustrate this perspective using a field research conducted in 2006–2007 on the Po River Basin in Piemonte, an Italian region with high flood risk that has been affected by a series of events in recent decades. 相似文献
4.
边界研究是政治地理学的一个经典议题。受“冷战”结束和全球化的影响，边界研究在20世纪90年代初期以来步入一个复兴时期，产生了新的理论视角和概念转变。本文通过梳理国外文献，归纳总结了边界理论的内涵、研究内容和方法的演变。边界研究进入复兴时期后呈现出明显的多学科交叉和综合性特征，对边界的理解超越了传统意义上把边界单纯看作是国家空间分隔的理解，强调边界内涵的动态性、多尺度性、空间性和多样性，更多地关注不断创造和重新创造出来的符号性边界，以及不同空间尺度的社会实践。研究呼吁加强边界理论向城市内部空间尺度的边界延伸与拓展，以及加强边界理论与地缘政治学说的融合。 相似文献
5.
The role of organizations in migration has received less attention than warranted; individual choice has typically been emphasized. As an in‐depth illustration, we consider refugee resettlement in the United States, post–World War II, wherein intermediary organizations play(ed) a major role. Central to this system are voluntary agencies (VOLAGs) and community organizations, but secondary migration also is critical. Attention is given to all refugees between 2000 and 2010, and in greater detail to Somalis. The latter provides deeper understanding through state refugee coordinators and case studies of Columbus, Ohio, Minneapolis, Minnesota, and Lewiston, Maine. Aside from process, it is evident that the geography of the foreign‐born settlement has been altered. While refugee resettlement and subsequent migration is the example, we broaden that to argue that migration studies have neglected the derived nature of movement via intermediary organizations; directed migrations and/or similar interventions have played a significant, if not dominant, role in population redistribution; and organization‐led migration should be considered in terms of general aspects, not simply as discrete case studies. 相似文献
6.
This paper presents a model of mobile space in the Sahel based on the two logics of circulation and production. An overview of the epistemological origins of the model shows how spatial structuring in (and of) the Sahel has been progressively transformed by the territorial action of economic actors, colonial powers, states and development programmes. The particular focus is on nomadic and cross‐border spaces – configurations that offer an ideal perspective on the mobility of space. The model confirms the hypothesis that economic actors, states and development agencies all aim to improve the way uncertainty is managed, but remain profoundly divided over what strategies to adopt. Whereas free flows allow economic actors to obtain products wherever these may be available, states and development agencies conceive of territory as a resource that must drive the specialization of production. The proposed model also suggests that mobile space is not peculiar to the Sahel and that the spatial logics of circulation and production in the Sahel are also present in the process of globalization. It provides conceptual resources that could lead to other models potentially applicable to understanding uncertainty in a highly mobile, globalized world. 相似文献
7.
1992年以来国内外地缘政治比较研究——基于地理学视角的分析 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
目前地理学界对国内外地缘政治的研究领域与发展趋势的比较研究鲜有涉及。本文系统回顾了后冷战时期以来地理学视角下国内外地缘政治研究进展,比较辨析两者差异,并对中国地缘政治研究提出展望。研究认为：国内外地理学界对地缘政治的内涵、研究目标、内容和手段的基本认知存在显著差异。从价值取向和研究领域上看,当代国外地缘政治研究的主要思潮是批判性地缘政治,研究对象多元化,研究领域宽泛化趋势明显;而中国地缘政治研究强调为国家战略服务,侧重传统地缘政治领域。从研究方法和视角上看,国外学者偏重定性分析和田野调查,对于研究区域具体情态认知深刻;中国学者在空间定量研究方面工作扎实,倾向于对宏观格局、分异规律的探讨。研究提出,中国地理学者应回答地理要素与地缘政治间的相互关系、地理环境对现代地缘政治的作用机理等重要问题;加强学科的交叉研究,从而使成果更加可靠、更易落地,培养全球视野、拓展研究领域和区域,最终形成一套能真正为中国和平崛起、中华民族伟大复兴助力的具有中国特色的地缘政治理论与思想。 相似文献
8.
Cynthia S. Gorman 《Geographical review》2019,109(4):487-506
Through legal interpretation of immigration categories, such as the refugee definition, signatories to the UN Refugee Convention restrict access to political asylum. This paper examines how scalar logics are used in legal interpretation to filter out particular people from national space and control the number legally entitled to enter and remain in the U.S. Scalar logics shape access by requiring asylum seekers to prove they have been ‘singled out’ for persecution and by steering the meaning of the ‘particular social group’ provision of the refugee definition. The restrictive effects of these scalar logics are analyzed in relation to case law involving Central American asylum seekers fleeing gang‐related violence. These cases are often rejected on the basis that the asylum seekers possess identities and experiences exceeding the limited protection offered by asylum. Through analysis of these scalar logics, the paper highlights how interpretations of the refugee definition are an ongoing site of struggle over the scope of asylum protection. 相似文献
9.
In the modern era, the world's refugee problem has changed magnitude and location; it has expanded from a local to a continental, and now global, scale issue. About 90% of the world's 10 million refugees are from developing countries, and over 90% of these will stay there. Refugee generating and receiving countries are concentrated in 5 world regions: Central America, Southwest Asia, Southeast Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa. Each concentration is unique and is associated with a particular set of regional conflicts. International efforts address short-term relief needs, whereas political instability and repression that generate refugees continue unabated. Refugees along sensitive border regions affect bilateral relations, large groups of refugees can pose political and security problems for the host country, and disputes over refugee policies and their implementation can complicate diplomatic ties. Some highlights of the data follow. 1) The 3 million cross-border refugees and 5.5 million internally displaced persons make the many governments in Sub-Saharan Africa increasingly dependent on Western assistance to solve their problems. Refugees are fleeing armed conflict, tribal violence, and drought, and often generate additional regional turmoil. 2) 3-4 million Afghans have fled their country since the 1978 Marxist coup; about 2.5 million have entered Pakistan. Most choose to remain in camps near the Afghanistan border where they are targets of cross-border attacks. 3) 1.2 million Salvadorans, Guatemalans, and Nicaraguans live outside their native countries. Official refugee and unofficial migrant populations are active in various rebel insurgencies, contribute to strained bilateral relations and tensions in border areas, and are the subject of heated political debate in host countries. 4) 90% of the 1.7 million Indochinese who fled from 1975-May 1986 have been resettled; 168,000 refugees remain in 1st-asylum camps, not including 240,000 Khmer without refugee status, in temporary camps in Thailand. Thailand's large refugee population is involved in factional strife, smuggling, and guerrilla activities. The Thai are particularly concerned about Hmong refugees, who are accused of opium cultivation and destruction of Thai forests through slash-and-burn cultivation. 5) Nearly 62% of the thousands of present Vietnamese refugees to Hong Kong have been in camps 3 years, and 17% 6 years. Many have turned to crime, alcohol, drugs, or prostitution. 相似文献
10.
Re-interpretation of the classical geopolitical theories in a critical geopolitical perspective 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
Struggling for supremacy between great powers and the rise or fall and regime change of great powers are all subject to the Geopolitical Law. Geographers should keep in step with the times, accurately grasp the national interests, and seize the opportunity to contribute to the great rejuvenation of our nation. However, due to lack of criticism on the history and philosophy of geopolitics, we can neither accurately understand the geopolitical theory, nor effectively put the geopolitical theory into practice. This paper introduces the development of critical geopolitics, summarizes the three characteristics of critical geopolitics, and interprets the four classical geopolitical theories accordingly. In order to simplify the interpretation process, this paper firstly presents an analytical framework for interpretation of four classical geopolitical theories; secondly, focuses on interpretation of “The Geographical Pivot of History” put forward by Mackinder according to the analytical framework; finally, critically summarizes the four classical geopolitical theories. Through the critical interpretation, this paper draws a conclusion that there are the scientific, hypothetical and conceptual classical geopolitical theories. The construction of classical geopolitical theories is based on the international geopolitical structure, spatial distribution of national interests and inter-state spatial conflict, in order to show the identity of theoretical constructor, so as to reflect the historicality, sociality, situationality and geographical knowledge–power structure of geopolitical theories. 相似文献
11.
Burcu Togral Koca 《Geographical review》2019,109(4):544-561
Using the case of Berlin, this article examines civil society actors in relation to local bordering practices following the large number of refugee arrivals in 2015. Combining critical border, migration, and urban studies and adopting a Foucauldian lens, the article aims to illustrate to what extent civil society actors have challenged and transformed local bordering practices vis‐à‐vis refugees within a specific urban space. The analysis illustrates that civil society actors have created new spaces of inclusion for refugees and brought new political and normative challenges to the established notions of belonging. On the other hand, they have also reproduced bordering practices either by their integration into formal state structures or by reinforcing hierarchical categorizations and unequal power relations embedded in the notion of humanitarianism. Finally, the article argues that these de/re‐bordering practices of civil society actors should be understood in line with the constraints that established bordering processes and the existing political and structural dynamics placed on them. 相似文献
12.
JOHN AGNEW 《Geographical review》2009,99(3):426-443
ABSTRACT. In several publications in the 1950s, Donald Meinig raised two themes that are central to contemporary “critical geopolitics”: criticizing the idea of a determining global physical geography that directs global geopolitics, and suggesting that geographical labels and geopolitical concepts have political consequences. I take off from Meinig's insight about geopolitics as an active process of naming and acting by discussing the broad power of analogy in world politics and by examining recent use of two geographical analogies—the Macedonian syndrome and balkanization—as symptomatic of a wider process of making the strange familiar by recycling geographical analogies. 相似文献
13.
Spatial difference and mechanisms of influence of geo-economy in the border areas of China 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
Border areas are both important territorial security barriers and portals to the outside world. Considering the complicated geopolitical environment of China’s inland borders, analysis of the current status and mechanisms of influence of geo-economy in border areas is of great significance. Namely, this analysis is important towards leveraging traditional advantages to accelerate China’s development in border and minority areas. Based on a comprehensive analysis, our study constructed a framework to analyze the geo-economy in border areas, and also introduced three indexes: local economy, export-oriented economy and local development. In addition, our study systematically described geo-economic evolution in the border areas of China. We also analyzed the mechanism of geo-economic spatial differentiation in these border areas by using geographical detectors. Our results indicated that the level of geo-economic influence in border areas has grown steadily with significant spatial differentiation. The absolute geo-economic dominance of Northeast China gradually declines over time. Areas with geo-economic advantages are highly dispersed, showing a spatial polarization pattern with several polar nuclei including Mudanjiang city (Northeast China), Baotou city (Inner Mongolia), Bortala Mongol Autonomous Prefecture (Xinjiang), Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture and the city of Chongzuo (Yunnan-Guangxi area). Geo-economics in border area is mainly influenced by national policies, the development level of neighboring countries, as well as the desire of these countries to cooperate with China in bilateral trade. Favorable policies, traffic, cultural proximity and other factors also impact the geo-economics of border areas significantly. The Inner Mongolia and Tibet areas are mainly influenced by neighboring countries, while Northeast China and Xinjiang are mainly affected by Chinese policies; the Yunnan-Guangxi area is influenced by a combination of these factors. At the end of the study, we provide our recommendations for developing policies that further geo-economic advantages in complex geopolitical environments and in areas with varied development. 相似文献
14.
Simon Tate 《Area》2009,41(2):207-218
Drawing upon ideas from critical geopolitics, this paper compares the role that the British government plays within the contemporary transatlantic alliance with that played by Churchill's government during the Second World War. It argues that the Blair government's approach to foreign policy has parallels with Churchill's – that it should act as a bridge between the US and European governments. From this basis the paper reflects upon geopolitical change since 1945, re-evaluating the reasons for foreign policy failures during the Iraq War. Belying the assumption that these were caused by Blair's failures at diplomacy, it argues that failure was the result of an outdated geopolitical strategy. 相似文献
15.
论中国古代地缘战略制定中的“权衡”——以《盐铁论》为例 总被引：3，自引：1，他引：2
《盐铁论》是记录汉朝时期关于盐铁酒榷均输及对匈奴关系的辩论的一部重要著作,能够较典型地反映中国古代地缘战略制定中的“权衡”过程。构建中国古代地缘战略制定中的“权衡”理论分析框架,继而基于该分析框架对《盐铁论》中的地缘战略辩论进行详细解读。《盐铁论》中辩论双方“权衡”的要点包含匈奴对汉朝产生的威胁程度、领土扩张所带来的收益大小和相应地缘战略的合法性3个方面。从思想、方法、目的等比较中西方地缘政治研究差异,指出“权衡”思想为西方主导的地缘政治理论提供新视角。 相似文献
16.
《地理学报(英文版)》2017,(12)
Border areas are both important territorial security barriers and portals to the outside world. Considering the complicated geopolitical environment of China's inland borders, analysis of the current status and mechanisms of influence of geo-economy in border areas is of great significance. Namely, this analysis is important towards leveraging traditional advantages to accelerate China's development in border and minority areas. Based on a comprehensive analysis, our study constructed a framework to analyze the geo-economy in border areas, and also introduced three indexes: local economy, export-oriented economy and local development. In addition, our study systematically described geo-economic evolution in the border areas of China. We also analyzed the mechanism of geo-economic spatial differentiation in these border areas by using geographical detectors. Our results indicated that the level of geo-economic influence in border areas has grown steadily with significant spatial differentiation. The absolute geo-economic dominance of Northeast China gradually declines over time. Areas with geo-economic advantages are highly dispersed, showing a spatial polarization pattern with several polar nuclei including Mudanjiang city(Northeast China), Baotou city(Inner Mongolia), Bortala Mongol Autonomous Prefecture(Xinjiang), Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture and the city of Chongzuo(Yunnan-Guangxi area). Geo-economics in border area is mainly influenced by national policies, the development level of neighboring countries, as well as the desire of these countries to cooperate with China in bilateral trade. Favorable policies, traffic, cultural proximity and other factors also impact the geo-economics of border areas significantly. The Inner Mongolia and Tibet areas are mainly influenced by neighboring countries, while Northeast China and Xinjiang are mainly affected by Chinese policies; the Yunnan-Guangxi area is influenced by a combination of these factors. At the end of the study, we provide our recommendations for developing policies that further geo-economic advantages in complex geopolitical environments and in areas with varied development. 相似文献
17.
Elisa Pascucci 《Geographical review》2019,109(4):580-597
This article explores refugee economic subjectivity in the context of restrictive asylum policies and disrupted transnational family lives. Drawing on fieldwork with young Syrian refugees pursuing IT training in Jordan, I focus on the “coding boot camp,” an emerging educational format in the field of refugee professional training. I thus explore how Syrian youths approach humanitarian policies in which, in the absence of full social and economic rights for refugees, the question of livelihoods is addressed through the paradigms of self‐reliance, creativity, and innovation. Reframing the refugee from a “protected” to a “productive” subject, and offering individual solutions to a structural economic impasse, these policies produce tensions between individual responsibilities and more‐than‐individual relations and identifications—with families, religious identities, and national communities—that remain unresolved. The findings contribute to geographical scholarship on economic subjectivity, familial relations, and the migrant and refugee condition, while shedding light on some of the effects of the encounter between technology‐centred, neoliberal approaches to humanitarianism and restrictive migration regimes in responses to the Syrian displacement. 相似文献
18.
Ishan Ashutosh 《Geographical review》2017,107(4):705-721
Disciplinary geography's history represents an important source for contemporary debates over the status of geographical knowledge across the social sciences. This article argues for a reorientation of geography's history by examining its interface with the development of area studies in the United States. It investigates the epistemological and institutional transformations that occurred in the decades before and after the Second World War as the regional concept transmuted into area studies. The article finds that although geography's regional concept shaped the spatial constructions of area studies, the latter's imaginative geographies fixed the regional concept along geopolitical visions of the nation‐state and Cold War regional blocs that continue to occlude social scientific attempts to redraw the borders of the world. 相似文献
19.
全球治理背景下,国家仍是国际社会最重要行为体,但非国家行为体作为重要的国际活动参与者也逐渐成为不可忽视的力量。在地理学框架中深入探讨非国家行为体的地缘政治角色,可以更加系统地理解“一带一路”建设中的多元地缘关系。论文依据地理学尺度思想梳理了非国家行为体的概念和分类,并归纳其地缘政治空间影响及实现途径,以期在理论上完善对地缘政治主体的研究,搭建非国家行为体的地缘政治认识框架,实践上指导中国“一带一路”等对外合作的开展。主要结论包括：① 非国家行为体没有动摇国家主权的决定性地位,但在世界政治中仍发挥着不可替代的独特作用,一是作为国家力量的拓展,二是对传统的国家边界、主权有空间上的突破;② 在国际事务上,非国家行为体与国家的互动及相关行为对国际安全、制度、认知和权力空间既产生了积极作用,也造成了一定损害和威胁;③ 非国家行为体通过参与和维护全球治理,塑造地缘政治想象与认同,以及调节和重塑地缘政治空间边界三种方式实现地缘政治影响。因此,为更好地服务“一带一路”建设,需要从不同角度分析非国家行为体的影响,通过与之加强对话、开展合作,合理管理、警惕部分非国家行为体的威胁以及培育鼓励中国的非国家行为体等多种方式应对其潜在影响。 相似文献
20.
Belonging in charlotte: multiscalar differences in local immigration politics and policies 
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下载免费PDF全文 In the context of Charlotte, North Carolina's, emergence as a “globalizing” pre‐emergent immigrant gateway, this paper focuses on a complex and multiscalar set of governmental policies and community‐development dynamics that are shaping localized response to Hispanic/Latino immigration. Specifically, we explore how these policies and dynamics play out spatially in the context of two Charlotte neighborhoods, both of which have similar historical roots and have become magnets for Latino settlement, yet display divergent contemporary place‐making paths. Our exploration reveals the ways in which contexts of receptivity and spaces of both exclusion and inclusion are created by the socio‐spatial components of public policy and the localized response to that policy at the intraurban level. Reinforcing the importance of space and place in the construction of receptivity contexts, the compared stories of Eastside and South Charlotte reveal that neighborhoods are never the product of one transformational force but of many—no matter how they may be perceived in the public imaginary. 相似文献