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1.
It seems that beyond differences among the drawings several generalisations may be made, relating to the ethno-spatial relations in Israeli Palestinian adolescents' perceptions, two years after the emergence of the uprising.
–  - Israeli Palestinian adolescents tend to adopt a nationalistic identity that to a large extent denies its Israeli civilian component, and thus tends to deny any shared identity with the Jewish sector. This is a shift from the Israeli Palestinians' political consensus which stresses the struggle for civilian and social equality.
–  - The Israeli Palestinian adolescents fully identify themselves with the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, perceiving the uprising there as the major source of stimulation for the formation of a Palestinian identity.
–  - The PLO is perceived as the only political leadership which supports the Palestinians, including Israeli Palestinians, and offer a tangible sense of control over their destiny.
–  - The Palestinian identity crises (incuding the Israeli Palestinians) will be solved through the PLO military struggle for independence and peaceful compromise with the Jewish state.
–  - The elder adolescents, who have developed more sophisticated spatial abilities and have crystalised their collective identity, tend to attribute Palestinians and Jews with separate territorial bases, while the younger ones tend to ignore the territorial aspects of identity and inter-group relations.
–  - The compromise will lead to coexistence between two separate political identities which split the territory west of the Jordan river equally.
–  - The adolescents at the age of 13–14 represent strong awareness of the Palestinian national struggle and they clearly identify with a tendency to separate themselves from the Israeli state and join a Palestinian identity led by the PLO. If this is the milieu in which they form their identity for the future, one may conclude that the uprising succeeded in increasing unity and solidarity at least between the Israeli Palestinians and the Palestinians of the Occupied Territories around a more crystalised and determined national identity.
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2.
Izhak Schnell 《GeoJournal》2014,79(5):619-633
The paper is founded on the argument of moral geography on the one hand and Kolberg’s social-psychological theory of moral judgment in order to expose the ways Israelis morally judge the barrier with the Palestinian authority. I conclude that half of the secular Israelis who prove to make moral judgments based on universal criteria withdraw to more authoritative modes of moral judgment concerning the barrier. Legitimization of the barrier is based on dehumanization of the Palestinians. This trend is especially strong among rightists in the Israeli political spectrum who are more likely to withdraw to authoritative forms of moral judgment than leftists. Both rightists and leftists in Israel judge the moral dilemma based on values of human rights and safety. Rightists tend to emphasize the violent behavior of the Palestinians as a justification to the barrier. The worldview that allows for the withdrawal to authoritative moral judgments that justify the barrier tend to victimize the Israelis and dehumanize the Palestinians. Such a world view serves as a mean to maintain positive self image while managing a contractible conflict.  相似文献   

3.
This paper questions geographers’ ability to think about power and violence through different epistemological registers, specifically by examining the discursive production of Palestine as place in geopolitical studies. Although the banner of geopolitics groups together a variety of approaches, these studies more or less cohere around a very particular type of imaginative geography of place - as violent and political. Recent arguments for cosmopolitan approaches to place - particularly when encountering non-Euro/American sites - are used to argue for more diverse approaches to places such as Palestine within Anglophone geographical scholarship. Using research on Palestinian family spaces and spacings, an alternative approach is outlined that exposes some geographies of dealing with and getting by the Israeli Occupation that are largely ignored by geopolitical approaches. These tropes prompt a return, in the conclusion, to the question of how geographers analytically apprehend power and violence, and the possibilities for doing this at the limits of, and beyond, the framework of geopolitical analysis.  相似文献   

4.
This case study examines Israeli resettlement policy and housing demolition measures practiced in the Gaza Strip. Since the Gaza Strip is distinguished by a huge concentration of dispossessed Palestinian refugees maintained in large camps, the Israeli authorities, from the early stage of the 1967 occupation of the area, have devoted major effort to breaking up the camps and relocating their inhabitants elsewhere. The Israeli authorities have applied a clear policy of systematic destruction of refugee shelters and initiation of resettlement schemes, aimed in the short run at making the refugee camps less congested, while in the long run, the policy appears designed to remove these camps from the landscape entirely, since they remain a constant reminder of Palestinian uprootedness and exile. To date, the Israeli strategy of demolishing the entire refugee camp network has failed to achieve its final objective.  相似文献   

5.
This article analyzes the basic structure of aviation in the Middle East and the development possibilities as a result of Israeli-Palestinian cooperation consequent to the peace process. This paper is a first attempt at estimating the advantages and disadvantages of such cooperation to the Israeli and Palestinian economies. In addition, the research leads to an initial formulation of how to maximize the benefits for both parties.Israeli-Palestinian cooperation offers more than objective economic advantages; such cooperation can also form a functional base for a political-policy framework. In economic terms, both sides can benefit from economies of scale and more efficient utilization of the existing facilities, thus avoiding the waste of valuable resources in establishing two sets of aviation facilities. However these economic criteria are not the only advantage of cooperation. In fact, critical operational and security requirements exist as well, both in terms of passenger security and safety, where air traffic control requiring coordination in a limited airways system. Furthermore, trends in the air travel market point to future bilateral agreements on the basis of blocs of nations and not individual countries. Therefore, Isreali-Palestinian cooperation would enable Israel to maintain the existing framework of favorable bilateral agreement with Europa and the United States.Cooperation of this kind is viable both economically and politically, as it avoids political conflicts by providing infrastructure on an equal basis to the Palestinians, either by lease or purchase of Israeli facilities. The primary advantage of joint ownership is that the Palestinians will save the development and construction costs of new infrastructure, while Israel can both develop the existing infrastructure and free funds for economic development. At the same it is possible to take advantage of economies of scale in order to reap the economic benefits of this process.  相似文献   

6.
G. Falah 《GeoJournal》1995,37(1):145-160
The purpose of this paper is to examine the future geopolitics of the Middle East against the backdrop of the Gulf War crisis and its aftermath. Special attention was given to the case of Palestinians and their search for peaceful solution to their territorial conflict with Israel. It is suggested that in an era of a new world order most Middle Eastern governments will give priority to their domestic problems, gearing toward power sharing at home and evolving a certain degree of liberalizations as an attempt to be accommodated within a worldwide sphere of social, economic and political reconciliation. Having overcome the post-Gulf political isolation, the Palestinians are now in a better position to make their claim for self-determination recognized. Ultimately, the fulfilment of such claim is desirable for achieving lasting peace and regional stability. This paper also proposes concrete suggestions for future Palestinian territorial behaviour addressed mainly to the Palestinian government to be considered while they are engaging in peaceful negotiations with Israel.  相似文献   

7.
Fawzi Asadi Dr. 《GeoJournal》1990,21(4):375-383
A key objective of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in Palestine has been to render the economy of these regions dependent on the Israeli economy and thus hamper their economic development. Large areas of land have been confiscated or expropriated by the Israeli authorities to establish Jewish settlements. Other severe measures imposed include control of irrigation water and obstacles for the Arab agricultural and industrial sector in the Occupied Territories aimed at preventing Arab competition with Israeli products.Palestinian agriculturalists have met this challenge and have worked to achieve higher production levels in agriculture. Nonetheless, economic development there was blocked, and many agriculturalists sought employment inside Israel. The Intifada since December 1987 has aimed at encouraging Arab economic independence and intensification of efforts to meet national requirements of greater self-sufficiency in subsistence crops and stimulation of agriculture-related industries. The Intifada is thus functioning as a stimulus to development and economic viability.  相似文献   

8.
Mobilities in settler states have become a defining feature of indigenous spatiality. This is mainly due to the structural disadvantage of indigenous communities in relation to urban locations. In Israel, Palestinian citizens are relocating to Jewish cities because of systemic discrimination, primarily in the allocation of land and housing construction permits in Arab locales. Yet, as this paper shows, their movement is neither unidirectional nor an one-time event, but ongoing and circular. Able to enjoy only certain economic and social rights in indigenous spaces and other rights in settler spaces, Palestinian citizens continuously commute between the two. Utilizing a human rights based approach, the paper unpacks Palestinian mobility practices to illuminate a lacuna in the literature, which has overlooked the quest for rights as a driving force of indigenous mobilities. The paper further demonstrates that circular mobilities become a generative act that connects the settler city to neighboring localities in a way that undermines the separation between ‘Jewish’ and ‘Palestinian’ spaces, and collapses the distinction between the ‘urban’ and ‘regional.’ Rather than attempting to integrate within the city, Palestinians incorporate the city within their own ethno-regional topography, thereby asserting their presence and a claim to the city-space itself.  相似文献   

9.
This paper focuses on the process of Jewish settlement in the West Bank and its economic consequences in the period from 1967 to the outbreak of the Intifada late in 1987. It attempts to show that this process is the practical application of Israeli objectives which are based on expansion and occupation of neighbouring Arab lands, facilitated by the fashioning of a dual or bifurcate economy there.After the war of June 1967, Israeli occupation authorities started to draw up plans with a view to settling Jews in the West Bank. There has been an increase in the numbers of settlements and settlers, estimated at 122 and 52,000 respectively in 1987. The pattern of settlement distribution is randomly dispersed, although it is concentrated in a region located to the NW of Jerusalem. The settlement began in the Jordan valley and extended gradually westward in the highlands.Jewish settlement has affected economic development of the West Bank, where there were many constraints on Arab agriculture and industry. Inequality is evident between settlers and Palestinians in an economy that has been structurally bifurcated: although settlers represent about 3% of total population of the West Bank, their economic activity constitutes at least 35% of the GDP of the West Bank.  相似文献   

10.
This paper puts forward the notion of pragmatic citizenship and forms part of the ongoing re-appraisals of citizenship in relation to national identity in an attempt to make it more relevant and inclusive for those with complex identities, legal status and, in particular, the stateless. Using the case study of Palestinians in Athens to discuss relationships between citizenship, identity and statehood, this paper argues that the notion of pragmatic citizenship can be useful in such re-conceptualisations as it can take into account the potentially ambivalent and multiple feelings of belonging that migrants and those in diaspora may have. In the process it stresses that strong notions of belonging and attachment to a territorialised homeland do not have to be exclusive or problematic. The paper outlines the complexity of Palestinian legal status in Athens and the feelings of injustice statelessness can provoke; it then describes the process of Palestinian acquisition of pragmatic citizenship in Greece. However, the final section of the paper highlights that such a notion of citizenship can have positive repercussions in terms of inclusive visions of a future one-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.  相似文献   

11.
Based on an examination of Israel’s territorial conceptions, strategies, and achievements since the establishment of the state, this article shows how state territoriality subsumes ideology and political agendas and may, under certain circumstances, lead the state to negate its very self-conceptions and harm its own perceived interests. Its analysis pays special attention to the state’s inadvertently produced territories of negation, which run counter to its own conception of territoriality, and considers the kind of social–spatial entities produced by the state. It also considers Israeli territoriality’s more recently asserted goal of shaping Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, in addition to the goals of controlling Jerusalem and Judaizing the Galilee and the Negev. To illustrate the theoretical assertion that discriminatory and marginalizing state territoriality has the distinct potential to bring about its own negation, the article concludes with two prominent expressions of this phenomenon. The first is manifested in green-line Israel, where the state’s territorial policies and the resulting marginalization of the Palestinian minority has resulted in collective resistance against the state and its policies, basic Jewish-Israeli symbols such as the anthem and the flag, and Israel’s very definition as a Jewish State. The second is manifested in Israel’s inadvertent creation of bi-national spaces both within Israel proper and in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, indirectly promoting the solution of a single bi-national state and posing a serious challenge to the very goals that Israeli territoriality has consistently strived to achieve.  相似文献   

12.
This paper analyzes the role played by the state in the expansion of the frontier from a geopolitical viewpoint. In this regard, emphasis will be placed on the question of access to the land as related to the work force mobility, a vital aspect for understanding geopolitical attitudes. Land-opening and migration policies will be considered in association with the implicit strategy of the state, as well as in its consequences for the expansion of the frontier in the E Amazon basin. A return to geopolitical analysis of the space seems opportune at a time when new policies of space management and territorial control are becoming more evident.  相似文献   

13.
In the last few decades, a growing number of theorists have suggested that the natural environment can be a platform for promoting cooperation between former adversaries and can perhaps contribute to peacebuilding. However, environmental cooperation has not lived up to these claims. In many cases, such cooperation has largely been ineffective and/or inequitable. Therefore, there is a growing awareness that we cannot be overly optimistic at the first signs of ‘cooperation’. It is argued that this reality results from the great complexity inherent in cooperative interactions. This paper explores the nature of such cooperation in two Israeli–Palestinian case studies. The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is one of the longest-running protracted conflicts in the modern era and is currently characterised by a political stalemate. However, there is also a willingness by some at the local level to cooperate. Therefore Israel/Palestine provides an ideal case study. The findings of the paper illuminate the complex nature of environmental cooperation and reveal that even with the presence of good intentions, cooperation at the subnational level is impacted by the broader socio-political structures and contexts within which it is embedded. In these case studies, this is negatively affecting both the nature and scale of the processes and outcomes. Ultimately, these factors are making such interactions limited, unstable and/or prone to collapse. The paper concludes that only by conducting in-depth multi-tiered and context-specific analyses of cooperative processes and subsequently finding ways to overcome the identified barriers can we move towards more successful environmental cooperation.  相似文献   

14.
Michael Feige 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):323-333
Kiryat-Arba and Jewish Hebron are communities planted in the most heated front of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This paper examines how the Hebron Jewish settlers' collective memory interprets the `truth' of Hebron as a typical Israeli Place that reveals Zionism in its purest form. Today the populations of Kiryat-Arba and of the Hebron Jewish enclaves number about 5,000 and 500, respectively. Kiryat-Arba functions as an economic and educational centre for the nearby Jewish settlements in the region. Rejecting the segregative concept of a separate Jewish settlement overlooking Hebron, the settlers treat Kiryat-Arba as part of Hebron. Some 70,000 Palestinians live in Hebron, many more residing in neighbouring towns and villages, cutting Hebron – Kiryat–Arba off from the nearest Jewish urban centres of Jerusalem and Beer-Sheva. The settlers initiated the narrative of `Return' to the city after the massacre of Jews in 1929 in the city, as the key symbol Symbolically, the first place Hebron Jews reidentified with was its ancient Jewish graveyard. Today, IDF soldiers protect settlers and their visitors who want to tour Hebron. The huge gulf between `metaphorical Hebron' as a symbolic centre and `actual Hebron' as a poor development town creates tensions fuelling violent events. The Jews in Hebron take the Israeli logic of `Place' making to its extreme, thus testing concepts of Israeli territoriality. If Israeli society rejects Hebron as a `Place' constructed from intense memories and violent national encounters, it would leave the Hebron Jews out of the so-called Israeli normalcy.  相似文献   

15.
The costs of developing groundwater in the Western Aquifer Basin vary considerably across the West Bank and Israel. One of the main reasons for this variability is the diverse hydrogeological conditions within the aquifer. Using data from recent hydrogeological investigations, an estimate of the variation of both the drilling and pumping costs was calculated and then mapped across the Upper and Lower Aquifers within the Western Aquifer Basin. These groundwater cost maps proved helpful in analyzing the impacts of hydrogeology on water supply, and also in communicating complex hydrogeological information to a broader audience. The maps clearly demonstrate that the most cost-effective area to develop groundwater is along the Green Line—the 1949 armistice boundary between Israel and the Palestinian West Bank. Any migration of this boundary eastwards will affect the cost and feasibility of developing groundwater within Palestine, making abstraction from the Upper Aquifer impracticable, and increasing the cost of developing the Lower Aquifer. Therefore, the separation wall, which is being constructed to the east of the Armistice Line in Palestinian territory, will significantly reduce the ability of the Palestinians to develop groundwater resources.  相似文献   

16.
Christy Collis 《GeoJournal》2010,75(4):387-395
This is an article about the politics of territory in Antarctica. It revolves around what at first seems like a very simple geopolitical question: who owns Antarctica? As this article demonstrates, this seemingly simple question is far from easy to answer: it cannot be answered with a straightforward list of states, nor by conventional geopolitical understandings of territorial possession (Agnew and Corbridge, Mastering space: Hegemony, territory, and international political economy, 1995). Struggles between states for territorial possession has characterised much recent geopolitical history; struggles for Antarctica do not entirely follow this pattern, and revolve instead on the nature and the concept of territorial possession itself. The article focuses in particular on the debates about, and changes to, Antarctic legal and geopolitical territories triggered by the 1957–1958 International Geophysical Year: before the IGY Antarctica was an unstable composite of state claims, unclaimed terra nullius, and terra communis or land unavailable to state claim. By the 1959 Antarctic Treaty, this unstable composite legal and geopolitical geography emerged as a new form of territory, one in which the conventional global mode of territory—state possession—was no longer dominant. Understanding Antarctic legal geographies adds depth to critical geopolitical studies which focus on the ways in which space is actively constructed by specific discourses, understandings, and groups.  相似文献   

17.
Shlomo Hasson 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):311-322
Jerusalem is a city of many contrasts. It is a historical-symbolic city, revered by Muslims, Christians and Jews. However, its citizens segregate ethno-nationally, culturally and socially, into different identity groups: Jews and Arabs, Haredi (`ultra-Orthodox') and secular Jews, and lower and upper class socio-economic groups. This essay focuses on how political and social struggles over territories reshape the nature of the identities of four distinct groups in Jerusalem. These are ethno-national groups (Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs), cultural groups (ultra-Orthodox Jews, in Hebrew Haredim (zealots), and non-Orthodox Jews), ethno-social groups (disadvantaged groups mainly of oriental descent, in Hebrew Mizrahim and advantaged groups) and economic and ecological groups (the business sector and inhabitants of private residential areas of the city). Thus, long-term historical processes have produced distinct ethno-national, cultural and social identity groups, which occupy specific territories within Jerusalem. The different groups have endowed their territory with dissimilar geopolitical, cultural, and economic meanings and played a major role in the reconstruction of national, cultural, social and ecological identities in the city. The city of Jerusalem is not only a spiritual centre associated with age-long dreams for peace and justice, it is also a violent city, rife with tensions and conflicts, a symbol of national, cultural, economic and ecological struggles. Perhaps the greatest challenge facing all those concerned about its future is whether Jerusalem's universal image of a spiritual, tolerant and just city can overcome its current, particularistic and conflict ridden image.  相似文献   

18.
Gwyn Rowley Dr. 《GeoJournal》1992,27(2):217-227
This paper focuses attention upon the existence of a Palestinian refugee population in the land about and immediately adjacent to Israel. It considers both the creation and the continuation of the refugee state within the host communities and the growth occurring within the refugee populations themselves. Some attention will be directed to a consideration of the refugee population vis à vis the dramatic upsurge in the number of former Soviet-CIS Jewish immigrants into Israel, that create further and deepening pressures upon land and water resources and Palestinian refugee matters. The paper is in three main parts following upon a general introduction to refugee studies. Firstly, a quantitative assessment of the Palestinian refugee population incorporates an empirical presentation of base Palestinian population totals and distributions, directing particular attention to growth in the period 1974–90. Secondly, several perspectives are presented as a backcloth to understanding certain of the continuing and mounting tensions within the Middle East in general and among the Palestinian refugee population in particular. Personal experiences of the writer as fieldworker are presented to provide a more general appreciation and awareness of the particular refugee situation within the Occupied Territories. The third part considers the developing and extending yet increasingly fundamental political consciousness among the Palestinian refugees, and certain envisaged reactions, and speculates upon continuing frustrations that are seen to be leading on to dramatic, mounting and extending violence.  相似文献   

19.
State formation is a complex process. Using the notion of the ghetto state, the case of the West Bank and Gaza Strip are analyzed. State formation processes among the Palestinians are shown to be a direct reaction to the processes of political and military control put into operation by Israel since 1967. The continued administrative and political separation of the West Bank and Gaza from the dominant Israeli territory enable the Palestinians to formulate their own independent national identity. This includes the establishment of economic, cultural and local political organizations, providing the foundations for future statehood. Such organizational capability is indicative of the wide range of non-violent forms of power which, in many cases, are more effective than direct acts of violence against Israel. The Intifada — or popular uprising — which has been in operation since 1987 has enforced these processes of statehood formation, through its combination of both violent and non-violent forms of power.  相似文献   

20.
This paper is a discourse analysis of classic US geopolitical texts which appropriate metaphors of the body to describe the state and its defense. While critical political geographers have demonstrated the role of naturalist epistemologies in classic geopolitics, I contribute to critical geopolitics literature by further examining the discursive economy of naturalism within which US geopolitical discourse is embedded. More specifically, I employ the concept of intertextuality, as theorized by Julia Kristeva and Roland Barthes in the 1960s, as a key analytical tool. In doing so, I argue that invocations of the ‘body politic’ in 20th century geopolitical texts are a version of bio-politics informed by a proliferating bio-medical discourse over a similar time period. I furthermore argue that such metaphors serve to naturalize territorialized national identities and create a spatial abstraction of a nationalized self in opposition to foreign ‘others,’ a discursive strategy used frequently to justify militaristic state policies. This paper, then, also adds to literature on militarism and the environment by further analyzing the discursive construction of the state in relation to an essentialized, abstracted nature.
Kolson SchlosserEmail:
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