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1.
Water resources in the history of the Palestine-Israel conflict 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Basheer K. Nijim Prof. Dr. 《GeoJournal》1990,21(4):317-323
The quest for water resources by Zionist leaders started in the early years of the Zionist movement. Attempts were made to delimit Palestine according to rivers and headwaters. This quest has been independent of the political status of the territory of Palestine. The quest was intense in the early 1950s during the Johnston negotiations, and it became especially crucial after the 1967 occupation by Israel of the rest of Palestine, the West Bank. Lebanon's Litani river has been included in Israeli considerations, as well as the Jordan river's tributary the Yarmuk river. The Kingdom of Jordan's development plans for the latter may be compromised. Control of underground water resources in the West Bank is deemed essential to Israel, given their importance to the ground supply of pre-1967 Israel. Israel is unlikely to relinquish control of the water resources of the West Bank in the event of a political settlement. 相似文献
2.
Leon Sheleff 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):297-309
Jewish tradition refers to the city of Jerusalem in both abstract and concrete terms, celestial Jerusalem and earthly Jerusalem. The two are intricately bound up with each other and Jerusalem, the eternal capital city of the Jewish people, derives its powerful mystique, from its original appearance in Jewish history, although Biblical Jerusalem, the ancient city surrounded by hills, and modern Jerusalem, the capital city of Israel, surrounded by satellite urban appendages, lack geographical congruity. In general, this is geo-politically relevant given the potent sensitivities that most Jews in Israel and elsewhere have for the symbolic value of their ancient capital. Significantly, most of the Arab inhabitants the capital city of Israel, are not Israeli citizens and the vast majority of them refuse to participate in municipal elections, even though Israeli law allows non-citizens who are permanent residents to vote in local elections. That Israel permits several countries to maintain separate consulates, in the western and eastern parts of Israel's capital, indicates Israel's implicit recognition of a dual status in Jerusalem. After the 1967 war, while careful to avoid using the formal language of annexation, Israel generally considered that east Jerusalem and some surrounding areas had become part of Israel, when by Basic Law: Jerusalem, the Capital City, it was declared to be the united and eternal capital of the State of Israel. This paper examines these political and legal developments. 相似文献
3.
Fawzi Asadi Dr. 《GeoJournal》1990,21(4):375-383
A key objective of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in Palestine has been to render the economy of these regions dependent on the Israeli economy and thus hamper their economic development. Large areas of land have been confiscated or expropriated by the Israeli authorities to establish Jewish settlements. Other severe measures imposed include control of irrigation water and obstacles for the Arab agricultural and industrial sector in the Occupied Territories aimed at preventing Arab competition with Israeli products.Palestinian agriculturalists have met this challenge and have worked to achieve higher production levels in agriculture. Nonetheless, economic development there was blocked, and many agriculturalists sought employment inside Israel. The Intifada since December 1987 has aimed at encouraging Arab economic independence and intensification of efforts to meet national requirements of greater self-sufficiency in subsistence crops and stimulation of agriculture-related industries. The Intifada is thus functioning as a stimulus to development and economic viability. 相似文献
4.
This paper focuses on the use of the provision of public housing in Israel as a political measure, in addition to its benign role of providing shelter. In the early stages of Jewish settlement in the country the Right controlled most towns and cities, while Labour was engaged in building a rural base. As urban growth attracted many of the newly arrived workers, Labour found it necessary to become politically active in the urban sphere. This has been done through the provision of a variety of services, among which was the provision of housing with a view to recruiting their political support. Two strategies were adopted. One was the penetration of existing towns by building public housing estates, the other was the establishment of new urban centres. These strategies have enabled Labour to attain local political hegemony in many cities, but while the provision of public housing proved to be as effective political tool in the short run, it has failed to secure a lasting impact. 相似文献
5.
David Newman 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):235-246
Territory remains a central component of national identity in the contemporary political discourse between Israelis and Palestinians, both populations opposing power sharing within the same space, for fear of the other's domination. The contemporary political discourse relates to conflict management and the desire for separate spaces within which national identities are strengthened through territorial/national homogeneity. The Zionist national ideology of most Jewish citizens of Israel has strong territorial roots; hence they reject the post-Zionist post-nationalist ideology, regardless of whether they accept the possibility of change in Israel's territorial configuration or of a diminishment in the importance of the territorial dimension of national struggle. The rights of residency and citizenship even of second and third generation Jewish citizens remain linked with the territorial configurations of a State that will continue to be called Israel and have a national anthem expressing the aspirations of a single, exclusive, national group. But within territorial readjustment, issues of configuration may become less relevant and in it is this sense that post-Zionism focuses on a discourse of territorial pragmatism, rather than the disappearance of territory from the nationality-citizenship debate altogether. It is part of a process of re-territorialization and spatial reconfiguration of political and national identities, not a reversal of territorialization, if only because there is no such thing as a post-territorial notion of the organization of political power. The boundaries of national identity become more permeable, more inclusive, but they do not disappear altogether. 相似文献
6.
The subject of the security fence between Israel and the Palestinians in the West Bank has become a major issue in Israel
and in the world in the last several years. The main aim of this research is to reveal the attitudes and thoughts about the
fence held by local residents living in settlements (borderlanders) in the proximity of a part of the security fence that
has already been completed. The research concentrates on the western-Israeli side of the fence, as it aspires to delve into
and understand the meaning and implications of the security fence on matters such as personal security, safety of property
and freedom of movement, the possibility of maintaining social and economic ties between the two sides and feelings about
living in the area in the future. Underlying this research is the transformation occurring in the border area as a result
of its closure by construction of the security fence, after many years in which it was open partially. This process has many
diverse consequences, some of them contradictory, on the two populations residing near the border in Israel: the majority
Jewish population (the national borderlanders), and the minority Arab population (the transnational borderlanders). 相似文献
7.
Yosseph Shilhav 《GeoJournal》1993,30(3):273-277
It is said that the Jewish people has had a surfeit of history but not enough geography. Deprived of its independence, expelled from its homeland, and dispersed among other nations, Jewish communities internalized different socio-cultural manners and customs. Throughout history, Jewish leaders — political and rabbinical — expresssed various attitudes toward territoriality and political aspirations for Jewish independence. As Zionism and the return of Jews to the Land of Israel became a real movement, those different attitudes had to confront a new reality, in which Jewish history meets Jewish geography. This paper discusses the encounter of a Jewish culture that developed under Diaspora conditions with the new reality of Jewish territoriality and sovereignty. 相似文献
8.
Yosseph Shilhav 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):247-259
This paper concerns the internal political controversy that polarises the concepts of sanctity and sovereignty over Eretz Yisrael (The Land of Israel; Palestine). The controversy has deep religious roots in the history of the Jewish people's bonds with their country. The historical elements of which derive from a longing for religious perfection, which included observing Commandments associated with the Land. The destruction of the Temple, the Exile and the devastation of Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel broke the chain of such continued observance. Polarisation of the concepts of Sanctity and Sovereignty accentuates the problem of the relation between political sovereignty and national bonds with it. The association of religious affinity with the relatively recent phenomenon of Nation-State sovereignty led many to see religious connotations in political sovereignty. The traditional, religious bond with Eretz-Yisrael, which many of the more secular Israeli public also feel, has existed for generations; conversely, national sovereignty continually changes form, not always conforming to traditional, religious perceptions of dominion over the Land. This raises problems about the link between Jewish religious laws and the political world. Abandoning the knit between national sovereignty and religious bonds may lead to the loss of religious and cultural bonds. The conflict between beliefs and opinions on the one hand and new objective circumstances on the other leads to confrontations that may cause serious harm. Time becomes critical and expediting the processes of appeasement and adaptation is a matter of redoubled importance. 相似文献
9.
Izhak Schnell 《GeoJournal》2001,53(3):221-234
The transition to globalization, socio-cultural fragmentation and an era of peace all constrain Zionism to a restructuring in its territorial perspectives. In the nation-building era, Zionism made the territory the focus of Zionist activity, which necessitated seizing territory, controlling it, and creating an affinity and attachment and a bond of identity between the nation and the territory. Pure colonization as a central strategy for realizing these national goals originated mainly from the unique historical circumstances of Zionism and from the adoption of an ethno-national ideology. This also led to the Palestinian-Jewish conflict that concentrated on the control of territory. The national economy regime that influenced Israel in different ways also served the territorial ideology to a great degree. Peace borders will require Israel to cooperate closely with Jordan, Palestine, Syria and Lebanon in managing resources, external influences and additional common interests. The peace economy will integrate with the multi-national economy. Furthermore, in the reality of peace, Israel will have to abandon the internal colonization of areas populated by Israeli Arab citizens and give greater legitimation to their more prominent inclusion the Israeli identity. It will also become difficult for any elite group to dictate the national agenda to other marginal groups, such as Israeli Arabs, and Sephardic or Orthodox Jews, each group creates for itself considerable degree of autonomy in its own territory. In the main, the national periphery divides into an Israeli Arab periphery beside the periphery of the traditionally religious Sephardic Jews. The ultra-Orthodox Jews take control of increasingly larger Israeli space and expanding the horizons of their public involvement beyond their traditional ghettos. Each group creates for itself a different symbolic space with differing views concerning the limits of Israeli sovereignty. 相似文献
10.
D. Grossman 《GeoJournal》1983,7(3):299-312
The settlement patterns of the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) reflect the physical and cultural makeup of the area. Physical factors are most important in conditioning the layout and size of settlements. The dominance of fairly uniform Arab population reduces, to some extent, the significance of the cultural factor for the purpose of differentiating patterns, but recent Jewish settlement has introduced distinct new forms. The patterns can also be related to the age of the settlement. This applies to the Arab communities and not only to the Jewish ones. It is shown that patterns can be identified and explained by the intersection of the time factor and a certain langscape factor. Nine different patterns (two Jewish, six Arab and one mixed) are identified and explained.This article is the outgrowth of research which was supported by the Bar-Ilan University Research Authority and the Moskowitz Cathedra for Research on the Land of Israel. 相似文献
11.
Stanley Waterman 《GeoJournal》2006,65(1-2):113-123
No culture, no society, remains static but changes imperceptibly day by day. The struggle waged by western art music in Israel for survival is eerily suggestive of how Israeli society in general has changed since the early Zionists set the course for the creation of a Jewish nation-state. Once regarded as the civilized face and civilizing influence of the Jewish national endeavour in Palestine/Israel, its advocates claim ever more desperately that western art music in Israel is in a state of rapid decline. Yet public opinion surveys reveal that the Israeli public backs state support for arts and culture whether or not people participate in cultural activities. Despite this, the internal ethnic struggle for domination of the arts and culture world and the rearguard action by culture administrators are both in danger of being overtaken by the country’s exposure to global popular culture. 相似文献
12.
Pragmatic geo-political considerations and a national ideology have guided both pre-1948 and post-1967 Jewish frontier settlements. Each settlement stage was characterized by penetration into remote areas on the periphery of older, established communities.In order to comprehend the development of Jewish frontier settlements, three factors must be analyzed: the historical geographic situation, the method of settlement, and the spatial network of the settlements themselves.Consequently, three waves of frontier settlements are explored in this research: (a) 1907–1916, which marked the first settlement attempt made by the Zionist Organization; (b) 1936–1939, when ‘Tower and Stockade’ settlements emerged as a reaction to the British partition plan; and (c) 1967 to the present, which followed the ‘Third Arab-Israeli’ war. 相似文献
13.
《Geoforum》2015
Based on an examination of Israel’s territorial conceptions, strategies, and achievements since the establishment of the state, this article shows how state territoriality subsumes ideology and political agendas and may, under certain circumstances, lead the state to negate its very self-conceptions and harm its own perceived interests. Its analysis pays special attention to the state’s inadvertently produced territories of negation, which run counter to its own conception of territoriality, and considers the kind of social–spatial entities produced by the state. It also considers Israeli territoriality’s more recently asserted goal of shaping Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, in addition to the goals of controlling Jerusalem and Judaizing the Galilee and the Negev. To illustrate the theoretical assertion that discriminatory and marginalizing state territoriality has the distinct potential to bring about its own negation, the article concludes with two prominent expressions of this phenomenon. The first is manifested in green-line Israel, where the state’s territorial policies and the resulting marginalization of the Palestinian minority has resulted in collective resistance against the state and its policies, basic Jewish-Israeli symbols such as the anthem and the flag, and Israel’s very definition as a Jewish State. The second is manifested in Israel’s inadvertent creation of bi-national spaces both within Israel proper and in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, indirectly promoting the solution of a single bi-national state and posing a serious challenge to the very goals that Israeli territoriality has consistently strived to achieve. 相似文献
14.
Gwyn Rowley Dr. 《GeoJournal》1992,27(2):217-227
This paper focuses attention upon the existence of a Palestinian refugee population in the land about and immediately adjacent to Israel. It considers both the creation and the continuation of the refugee state within the host communities and the growth occurring within the refugee populations themselves. Some attention will be directed to a consideration of the refugee population vis à vis the dramatic upsurge in the number of former Soviet-CIS Jewish immigrants into Israel, that create further and deepening pressures upon land and water resources and Palestinian refugee matters. The paper is in three main parts following upon a general introduction to refugee studies. Firstly, a quantitative assessment of the Palestinian refugee population incorporates an empirical presentation of base Palestinian population totals and distributions, directing particular attention to growth in the period 1974–90. Secondly, several perspectives are presented as a backcloth to understanding certain of the continuing and mounting tensions within the Middle East in general and among the Palestinian refugee population in particular. Personal experiences of the writer as fieldworker are presented to provide a more general appreciation and awareness of the particular refugee situation within the Occupied Territories. The third part considers the developing and extending yet increasingly fundamental political consciousness among the Palestinian refugees, and certain envisaged reactions, and speculates upon continuing frustrations that are seen to be leading on to dramatic, mounting and extending violence. 相似文献
15.
《Geoforum》2017
Mobilities in settler states have become a defining feature of indigenous spatiality. This is mainly due to the structural disadvantage of indigenous communities in relation to urban locations. In Israel, Palestinian citizens are relocating to Jewish cities because of systemic discrimination, primarily in the allocation of land and housing construction permits in Arab locales. Yet, as this paper shows, their movement is neither unidirectional nor an one-time event, but ongoing and circular. Able to enjoy only certain economic and social rights in indigenous spaces and other rights in settler spaces, Palestinian citizens continuously commute between the two. Utilizing a human rights based approach, the paper unpacks Palestinian mobility practices to illuminate a lacuna in the literature, which has overlooked the quest for rights as a driving force of indigenous mobilities. The paper further demonstrates that circular mobilities become a generative act that connects the settler city to neighboring localities in a way that undermines the separation between ‘Jewish’ and ‘Palestinian’ spaces, and collapses the distinction between the ‘urban’ and ‘regional.’ Rather than attempting to integrate within the city, Palestinians incorporate the city within their own ethno-regional topography, thereby asserting their presence and a claim to the city-space itself. 相似文献
16.
Conclusions Historical-botanical investigations carried out at various sites in Israel point to the use of Cedar of Lebanon wood for special construction purposes, during different periods, in various regions of the country (Tab 3).The cedar of Lebanon grows outside Israel and required a special system of commerce for it to be brought to the building sites. This included the felling of the trees in the mountains, their transportation to the coast, loading on ships, shipment or floating them by sea to Israel and its subsequent transportation to remote parts of the country. Such a commercial system could have existed only in a prosperous period characterised by a booming economy and a well-organised administration. These circumstances occurred in Palestine only from the Middle Bronze Age onwards up to the Crusaders period. Later on, during most of the Mameluk and the Ottoman periods (13th to 19th centuries), Palestine was a neglected place and an international trade in timber was in practical terms absent. Only in the second half of the nineteenth century Palestine regained part of the previous circumstances, which was characterised by the use of imported timber, firstly Near Eastern trees — the cedar of Lebanon as the most suitable one.The distribution pattern of cedar remnants in Israel is obvious and enables us to evaluate the wealth, economy, commerce, transportation systems and overall administration of the different regimes in Palestine during various periods in the past. Today there are only scattered groves and stands, most of these planted during the last decade to restore the cedar forests of the past. Therfore the evidence from Israel can show that the overexploitation of cedars for construction was one of the causes of the disappearance of the cedar forests in Lebanon and S Turkey throughout the ages. 相似文献
17.
Yossi Katz 《GeoJournal》1994,34(4):467-473
The idea of the Garden City, which was initiated by Ebenezer Howard at the end of the last century in England, was extended quickly to other places in the world. While the establishment of Garden Cities encountered many difficulties, there was much success in the establishment of Garden Suburbs. In Palestine, where Jewish immigrants and Zionist leaders brought Ebenezer Howard's ideas from Europe, Garden Suburbs were very successful. Zionism looked upon the Garden Suburb as the model for urban Zionist colonization in Palestine and it intended to establish such suburbs near all the big cities. Only Jews were supposed to live in those suburbs. The first Garden Suburb was Tel-Aviv near the port town of Jaffa. Subsequently, Tel-Aviv became the first Jewish city in Palestine. Following Tel-Aviv Jewish suburbs were established near Jerusalem, Haifa and Tiberias. In Palestine too, as in Europe, there were plans to establish Jewish Garden Cities, but they did not turn out well. 相似文献
18.
Entrepreneurship in the northern periphery in Israel should be viewed as a response to the crisis in rural agriculture during the 1980’s. Most entrepreneurs left their farms for salaried employment for a few years and they took professional courses in order to learn necessary skills before they opened their enterprises. They have developed new small entreprizes using local resources at times informally as means to reduce risks and they specialize mainly in internal tourism and construction related branches. While Jewish entrepreneurs develop mainly tourism activities oriented toward the national market, Arab entrepreneurs develop mainly construction related branches to local and home regional markets. Both represent two styles of peripheral activities. It seems that both styles has only limited potential to overcome their marginality. 相似文献
19.
Ghazi Falah Dr. 《GeoJournal》1990,21(4):325-336
This paper suggests that the State of Israel is neither pluralistic nor neutral when it comes to the allocation of regional resources between the two groups of its citizenry, Jewish and Arab. The study focuses on the state's N region, Galilee, where the unequal distribution of land, water, and local budgets as regional resources between Jewish and Arab settlements reflects a geography of power along lines of ethnic cleavage. Rather than being a neutral agent in resource distribution and allocation, the central government plays a key role in allocatinal policies distinctly skewed in favor of the Jewish population in Galilee, resulting in highly uneven development patterns and other disparities.Paper originally presented at the IBG Annual conference, Glasgow, 3–6 January 1990 相似文献
20.
Ghazi Falah Dr. 《GeoJournal》1985,11(4):361-368
The bedouin in Israel form a small group (13%) within the state's Arab minority, and they completed their transition stage towards settled habits in the middle of the present century with the establishment of a relatively high number of villages and hamlets. It is the object of this paper to examine and define the nature of these patterns of rural settlements, which emerged in the two distinctive areas of Galilee and the Negev.The discussion in this paper is confined to the period of the state of Israel (1948–83), when changes in both the processes and the patterns of bedouin sedentarization took place under entirely new political conditions. After the establishment of the Jewish State of Israel in 1948, both Galilee and Negev bedouin sedentarization was completed within a period of a single decade (1950–60). However, the sedentarization pattern has further evolved during the past two decades and is likely to continue to do so until the end of the present century.In the Israeli period, the pattern of bedouin sedentarization has developed in two distinct directions. First, the bedouin themselves have built permanent structures for residential purposes, a process usually referred to as spontaneous bedouin settlement. Secondly, the state authorities have planned and established settlements. In this planned bedouin settlement, the state has been dominant in shaping the pattern. It is important to note that most bedouin settlement in Israel belong in the first category where the whole tribe or individual groups were the initiators of their settlements. This paper which was written by an author who belongs to the bedouin community, is based mostly upon fresh evidence from field research data, and is the first attempt to indicate the importance of the role of the state in shaping the settlement pattern. It is hoped to contribute to the study of nomadism as well as to the study of the Arabs in Israel.Paper presented at the 25th International Geographical Congress Paris 27–31 August 1984. The author would like to thank the Centre for Arab Heritage without whose support his attendance at this conference would not have been possible. 相似文献