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1.
Rebecca Elmhirst 《Geoforum》2011,42(2):173-183
An important theme in studies of enclosure and resource access in Southeast Asian hinges on the concept of the ‘political forest’, a particular constellation of power constituted by ideas, practices and institutions that seek to regulate peoples’ access to resources, providing recognition and legitimacy to some, whilst excluding and criminalizing others. Whilst issues of class and ‘race’ underpin work in this vein, in Indonesia, much less attention has been directed towards the ways in which gender inheres in the regularisation of land and livelihood, and the ordering of upland spaces. Drawing on recent feminist and queer theorizing of the links between citizenship, recognition and hetero-normativity, and on analyses of the social relationships through which resource access is negotiated and realized, the paper presents a feminist political ecology of the gender dynamics inherent in the power plays of resource access as land-poor rural migrants negotiate a shifting landscape of enclosure in Lampung province. Through an analysis of three periods of resource governance and control in the province, the paper shows how the negotiation of resource access is simultaneously a process of self-regulation and subject-making that draws on particular ideas about family and conjugal partnership, inculcating gendered and hetero-normative ideologies of the “ideal citizen”. Through particular representational strategies - positionings - necessary to qualify for resource access, and through the material practices necessary to realize the benefits of resource access, conjugal partnership is reiterated and remade as an important social relationship through which resource access may be realised, for men as well as for women. 相似文献
2.
Tigers, trees and Tharu: An analysis of community forestry in the buffer zone of the Royal Chitwan National Park, Nepal 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Samantha Jones 《Geoforum》2007,38(3):558-575
In the buffer zone of the Royal Chitwan National Park (RCNP), community forests represent a key land use to meet the objectives of the buffer zone concept. This article examines three diverse community forests surrounding the national park and explores how national policy has been mediated by emerging community forestry institutions to create different levels of resource access and benefit distribution both within and between local user groups. Mindful of recent critiques of community-based conservation, the analysis gives considerable attention to the dynamics of power relations and inequality. The extent to which property rights have been transferred to the local level is evaluated and to whom power has been devolved in the process is assessed. The distribution of benefits arising from community forestry is critically examined. It seems that the current system for community forestry creates sufficient incentives for local cooperation due to the potential for increased access to important resources and a high perception of ownership of community forests among the communities. However, emerging institutions vary in the extent to which they reproduce favourable resource access conditions for elites and benefit distribution does seem to be skewed in favour of the wealthy and higher castes, even where management practices on the surface appear fair. National policy creates sufficient but not necessary conditions for achieving downward accountability, transparency and fairness. Greater attention to these issues is needed for buffer zone community forestry to better serve the poor and marginalised populations within user groups. 相似文献
3.
Eric D. Carter 《Geoforum》2008,39(1):278-293
Recently, geographers and other scholars have reappraised the state’s spatial properties, roles, and strategies. According to these interpretations, modern states seek to control their subjects and coordinate economic development through various “rational” and “scientific” strategies that involve the standardization, transformation, and bureaucratization of space, territory, and landscape. Through this process social relations are increasingly configured through state discourses and institutions. The role of public health institutions in the development of state spatialities has been relatively underappreciated. This paper explores the establishment and early action of a malaria control campaign in Northwest Argentina, in the early twentieth century. I make three arguments: first, in creating a malaria control program, the Argentine state did not merely respond to a given “social fact” but rather was the key participant in constructing the “malaria problem”. Second, in response to this problem the Argentine state created a new technical-administrative territory, “the malarious zone”, which encompassed several provinces and defined the federal government’s jurisdiction for public health action. Finally, state actors came to understand the malaria problem, and potential solutions to it, through specific “rational” practices of the modern state: surveying, mapping, measurement, and statistical compilation. In its early years, the malaria campaign did not so much control the disease itself, as much as establish control over the “malaria question”, making it indisputably a state project. 相似文献
4.
Community control of resources and the challenge of improving local livelihoods: A critical examination of community forestry in Nepal 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
Community forestry in Nepal vests rights of access, use, exclusion, and management of national forestland to local user groups. There is strong potential for community forests to serve as the basis for improving the quality of life and the status of livelihoods in rural Nepal while conserving forest resources. Frequently, community forest user groups are dominated by local elites who choose to close access to community forestland for several years. As a result, forest conditions are improving, but the poorest households bear the cost of strict protection. In this paper I argue that community forestry is thus having rather limited success at improving rural livelihoods. Although community forestry is fairly successful at conservation, there remain huge wealth disparities between community forest member households, limited access to vital forest products, and significant power disparities within community forest user groups. Such conditions of inequity, reinforced by current community forestry policy and practice, severely challenge the development potential of community-controlled natural resources. In Nepal, overcoming these challenges may require a change in policy that mandates more inclusive local decision-making. 相似文献
5.
6.
The evolution of Pleistocene mammals is characterized by giantism and in the ungulates by the appearance of huge and often bizarre horns, antlers, ossicones, and tusks. An earlier study of sheep (Ovis) led to a theory explaining these phenomena. This theory, termed the “dispersal theory,” is described briefly and then applied to the evolution of Old World deer (Cervinea, Baird, 1857). It is shown that the zoogeography and physical characteristics of Old World deer follow the predictions of this theory. Attention is drawn to the parallels in zoogeography and convergent evolutionary changes between Old World deer and other ungulates such as New World deer, the goats and sheep and the genus Bison. The application of the “dispersal theory” to the evolution of the genus Bison shows that it is compatible with known facts and that it explains aspects of Bison morphology not usually considered. It also suggested a new and testable hypothesis of the origin of present-day Bison. In general the “dispersal theory” applied to Pleistocene conditions predicts that a specialization of social behavior and social organs leading to giantism, altered body proportions and bizarre hornlike organs occurs during postglacial dispersal into new habitat. It also describes the characteristics of these early, pioneering populations. In so doing it links the disciplines of animal behavior, ecology, animal science, population dynamics, and zoogeography into a functional whole. In particular it shows the relationship between ecology and social behavior. Finally, the “dispersal theory” is shown to be a general theory, applicable to Pleistocene and pre-Pleistocene conditions. In the tropics or pre-Pleistocene conditions social evolution follows ecological specialization, while in the periglacial zones social evolution only reflects the colonization history of the species. It is shown that the “dispersal theory” unites the apparently contradictory views on evolution and zoogeography of Matthews and Darlington. Matthews' views apply largely to Pleistocene conditions and Darlington's to pre-Pleistocene conditions. A preliminary application of the “dispersal theory” to pre-Pleistocene mammals suggests that it predicts correctly. 相似文献
7.
Interviewing landed elites in post-war Guatemala 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Elizabeth Oglesby 《Geoforum》2010,41(1):23-25
This essay explores the methodological challenges of conducting ethnographic research among economic and managerial elites in Guatemala’s landed sector during the country’s post-war transition. Guatemala’s 34-year civil war ended with peace accords in 1996. From the mid 1990s through 2001, I conducted interviews with leading representatives of the private sector in Guatemala, including the owners and top managers of the country’s sugar plantations. The Guatemalan sugar elite describes itself as the new face of the private sector in Central America, implementing “corporate social responsibility” programs linked to the World Bank and other international agencies. Questions of access and interview dynamics are often discussed in relation to qualitative research on “elites.” Yet, I found the interview process to be less complicated than I anticipated. Of greater concern were the problems of research dissemination and praxis. The experience discussed here raises questions about whether research on particular elite groups can be sustained over long periods of time. 相似文献
8.
Governing minorities and development in Xishuangbanna, China: Akha and Dai rubber farmers as entrepreneurs 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Janet C. Sturgeon 《Geoforum》2010,41(2):318-73
In Xishuangbanna, southern Yunnan, Akha and Dai farmers, regarded in China as “backward”, passive recipients of state-led development, have been “getting rich” on rubber and expanding rubber cultivation into neighbouring Laos. State cash crop campaigns to raise minority farmers’ incomes inadvertently turned minority farmers into dynamic entrepreneurs. This paper builds on Vinay Gidwani’s use of development as a “regime of value” to raise social and economic value to analyze these unexpected results. Local state agents believe they are the agents of development, bringing modest social and economic improvements to minority farmers of obdurate backwardness. Minority farmers see themselves as improving their own incomes and “quality”, a term in China for social value, in an era when they are responsible for their own development. National development discourse encourages citizens to raise population quality by becoming entrepreneurial, a message heard by minority rubber farmers as well as urban elites. Through creative, post-Fordist production models and agile deployment of land, labour, and capital, minority farmers have achieved incomes that exceed those of workers on state rubber farms, large plantations whose Fordist production models are losing out in the uneven transition from a planned economy to a more capitalist market assemblage. Akha and Dai rubber farmers, the “backward” minorities on China’s periphery, have unexpectedly become the forerunners of flexible production arrangements that are prevailing in the arena opened up by China’s 2001 entry into the World Trade Organization. 相似文献
9.
As an approach to development, many see capitalism as reaching across an enormous range of scholarly domains and political interests. For some time geographers and others have begun to conceptualize capitalism as less of a system of intrinsic economic logic and more a collection of social and discursive relationships. By bringing capitalism into the “discursive world” these commentators and others have provided the theoretical ground for an exploration of alternative economic forms, especially those that are more socially and ecologically just. This paper makes an argument for putting sustainable development through the same theoretical scrutiny. Drawing on examples from the US we recruit the concept of “actually existing sustainabilities” from Altvater’s concept “actually existing socialisms” as an entry point to this conversation. Our purpose is to show that the potential for sustainability in the US exists in current local policies and practices if we rethink how we frame it. 相似文献
10.
The burgeoning literature on transnationalism involving skilled migrants--based largely on the view from the developed world--have generally paid little heed to “elite” women and the reproductive sphere. We argue that women play many roles in elite transnational migration streams and must be given full consideration as part of the “transnational elite.” Attention is given to the way women--both “tied” and “lead” migrants--negotiate gendered identities as they participate in Singapore's regionalisation process, a state-driven initiative to extend the national economy by leveraging on growth in the region. Empirical material for the paper is mainly based on in-depth interviews with married women who were part of a larger project involving interviews with 150 Singaporeans who had lived, or were living, in China. In examining the movements through transnational space between Singapore and China, it is clear that patriarchal norms continue to shape women's understandings of their own identities vis--vis men's. Singapore women who move as accompanying spouses (the majority) find themselves giving up careers to focus on their domestic role in China (in the absence of access to “suitable” paid domestic service), and are not so much “deskilled” but “re-domesticated”. The exceptional few women who ventured into China as entrepreneurs experienced considerable strain holding together geographically separate spheres of productive and reproductive work across the transnational terrain. Both sets of “stories” alert us to the need to include “elite” women--whether accompanying spouses or independent entrepreneurs--in our understanding of “transnational elites.” This will contribute to the urgent task of ensuring that both productive and reproductive work are valorized in equal measure in conceptualizing transnationalism. 相似文献
11.
In 1988, four states in the northeastern USA commissioned a study to address land use changes in the Northern Forest, 26 million acres of temperate and boreal forest extending from Maine to eastern New York State. Against a backdrop of economic destabilization and concerns regarding social and ecological implications of a real estate boom, the sustained deliberative dialogue catalyzed by this study has come to rely heavily on the ambiguous concept of “working forest.” To clarify political and environmental dynamics in the region, we analyzed how people respond to and seek to capitalize on the interpretive flexibility of the term working forest. We combine an analysis of socio-political discourses of working forest based on a structured literature review with an assessment of local peoples’ definitions of working forest based on a survey conducted in a pair of contrasting New York State communities. The first study site represents an amenity-oriented community (i.e. a place where the forest supports a service economy including recreation and tourism) and the other study site represents a timber-dependent community. By linking data from community-level analysis to data derived from a general analysis of forest politics, we seek to develop a more robust perspective. By comparing discourses across differently structured communities, we investigate how local forest politics are mediated by local economic development processes. Our study empirically illustrates contested and geographically uneven processes of social construction of environment and rural development in a region confronting pressures of globalization. Results indicate that timber harvesting is a heavily privileged management objective, as a logic of ‘the forest that pays is the forest that stays’ dominates. Environmental politics in the region, and perhaps more generally, increasingly conforms to a form of pragmatism in which economic opportunities structure conservation planning and investment. 相似文献
12.
Dorothea Kleine 《Geoforum》2009,40(2):171-183
Digital divides are differences in access to information and communication technologies (ICTs) which tend to reflect the social and regional inequalities between and within countries. This paper presents a case study from Chile, which is among the leaders in Latin America both in levels of e-readiness and in social and regional inequality. The Chilean state’s ICT policies are situated within the “Third Way” approach of the centre-left government, reflecting the tensions between a pro-active and positive view of neoliberal globalisation, and state social programmes to support poorer sectors of society.The paper presents a multi-level analysis of two elements of Chilean ICT policy: Chilecompra, an online public e-procurement system aimed at creating transparent and competitive transactions in line with neoliberal economic theory, and Red Comunitaria, a network of Community Information Centres which offer free internet access and training to individuals, including microentrepreneurs. Interviews were conducted at the national, regional and local level. Findings were that the Community Information Centres (telecentros) had indeed furthered digital inclusion while in the meantime the shift to e-procurement had excluded many microentrepreneurs who had not registered with the system of Chilecompra. The larger of the local enterprises had registered but were having difficulties competing online with bigger companies located in the regional and national capitals.The paper argues that while both state policies see themselves as successes, the political objectives underlying the technology mirror the Chilean government’s struggle to simultaneously embrace neoliberal globalisation while working towards greater social and regional cohesion. At the local level there is evidence of the failure to reconcile the two approaches which may be indicative of a more general tension between these goals. 相似文献
13.
Peter Lindner 《Geoforum》2007,38(3):494-504
Soviet collectives in general and especially the kolkhozes in rural areas were much more than merely production units. They regulated a significant part of everyday life in the villages and thus have to be seen as all-embracing social institutions, constituting the bedrock for rural communities. Relying on the homogenising effect of the kolkhoz-mechanism most authors who analyse the process of transformation in the Post-Soviet Russian countryside highlight the failures of privatisation and consequently presume continuity and not change. This paper argues, first, that in view of the weakness of the central state in the 90s a considerable leeway existed at the local level for different ways and degrees to implement the reform legislation and, second, that the concrete outcomes of the restructuring can only be adequately understood focusing on interests and power relations on the micro level rather than dealing with farms as such as the ‘acting units’.The common vantage point for most of the kolkhozes was an “alliance for the locale” between management and workers. It had its roots in the fear to become “slaves on one’s own land” if non-local investors would be allowed to buy agricultural land, to remain without infrastructure like streets, water supply and kindergartens if the kolkhoz would be divided up and to lack the machinery to work the private plots without the support of the farms. But beyond this consensus the chairmen of the collective farms could rely on a bulk of different allocative and authoritative resources to stage-manage privatisation. This introduced a highly ‘individual’ moment in the process and led to rising disparities and an increasing disintegration of rural Russia in the 1990s. Using a farm in southern Russia as an example the closer look at these resources and the “failed privatisation” unveils, that not continuity, but hybrid amalgamations of old and new characterise the Post-Soviet Russian countryside. 相似文献
14.
Anne Sofie Laegran 《Geoforum》2008,39(6):1991-1999
Based on a study of people conducting ICT based work from home in Scotland and Norway, the article analyses how work is negotiated and integrated with non-paid activities in the household and local community. The article fills a gap in that it focuses on rural contexts rather than the urban work life often depicted in literature on flexibility and work. When work is brought home, a domestication process takes place whereby practices of work are negotiated and integrated into everyday life, sometimes changing common perceptions of where and when work is “in” or “out of place”. While working from home is common in rural areas, the study shows that ICT based knowledge related work is still seen as relatively “out of place”. Drawing on the domestication concept, the study shows how community norms about accessibility, interaction and where to be at certain times, had to be renegotiated when this type of work was conducted from home. Imbued in these negotiations were subtly often tacitly communicated moral conceptions on what constitutes good parenthood (in particular motherhood) as well as “real” work. Both men and women reported benefits in terms of combining family and work obligations when working from home, but the tendency was still for traditional gender patterns to be reproduced. Women tended to fit work around the needs of the children, whereas men saw themselves first and foremost workers. Following the concept “doing gender” some challenged these patterns, but did so carefully in relation to the work organisation as well as the community. The impact of communities in regulating home anchored work suggests there may be a need for communities to take on a more active domestication process as more people conduct ICT based work with the home as the base, opening up the moral and normative geographies for when work is “in” or “out of place”. 相似文献
15.
Allison Hayes-Conroy 《Geoforum》2010,41(5):734-742
This paper details the author’s experiments with accessing the visceral realm in research on the food-based social movement, Slow Food (SF). “Visceral” is defined as the bodily realm where feelings, sensations, moods and so on are experienced. Fieldwork methods aimed at participatory co-creation of data through verbal communications in the form of in-depth conversations and group discussions, as well as non-verbal communications in the form of “intentionally designed experiences” and other forms of sensory involvement. Communications centered on understanding how foods and food-based settings elicit feelings and sensations that move and power bodies differently, and specifically how SF guides bodies to be affected by specific foods and environments. The paper details how data were created and recorded, specifically exploring how sensory-based research events were translated to data through the creation of imagined bodily empathies. The paper also discusses the emergence of change-oriented communications that pushed for transformation in SF’s (in)attention to visceral differences, thus demonstrating how visceral research can challenge researchers and participants to critically reflect upon, and perhaps transform, how their own bodies feel (and respond to) the world. 相似文献
16.
Becky Mansfield 《Geoforum》2003,34(3):329-342
This paper addresses the cultural economy of nature and the material culture of economic practice. Attending to ways that cultural notions about the biophysical world play key roles in political economic conflicts, discussion centers on two recent debates involving the cultural economy of seafood production and trade. The first debate is over whether the label “catfish” should include catfish imported from Vietnam into the United States; the second deals with whether fish and shellfish should be eligible to be certified “organic” under new US regulations. Analysis reveals that the key dynamic in these debates is not necessarily how people think about “nature”, but instead is how people make distinctions about the world. Rather than focusing on what is natural or not, key actors make distinctions among both organisms and environments. The ways that different groups define and enclose the biophysical world works to distinguish places as either appropriate or not for certain kinds of production activities. The overall argument is that significance and meaning of the biophysical become implicated in economic geographies by making distinctions about the world that then become important for how economic activity can work. As such, cultural economic approaches should attend to the ways that the biophysical is involved in relations such as competition and international trade, while nature-society approaches should shift focus from Nature to specific aspects of the biophysical world. 相似文献
17.
Kathleen McAfee 《Geoforum》2008,39(1):148-160
Disputes about genetically engineered crops are linked to wider debates about the globalization of agro-food systems and its consequences for food security, social equity, and rural life. Biotechnology expert discourse rarely addresses these wider issues. An exception is the assessment of transgenic maize by the NAFTA Commission on Environmental Cooperation (CEC), which recommended a moratorium on Mexican imports of US-grown maize. Controversy about “contamination” of indigenous maize varieties by US-grown transgenic corn has been intensified by rising Mexican discontent with the terms of regional economic integration. In this context, scientists and officials were pressured to consider not only risks to maize biodiversity but also the ecological, and cultural characteristics of maize in its Mexican settings and the implications of asymmetric power in North American agricultural trade. In contrast to most narrowly-framed biotechnology risk assessments, the review took account of interventions by rural social movements. While the new moratorium was not adopted by the state, continuing conflicts over GMOs in Mexico have blocked introduction of transgenic maize and have enlarged the political space for debate over Mexico’s development direction. These conflicts reflect the differing interests of various state actors and economic sectors with regard to trade liberalization. They also reveal contrasting food-system paradigms: further agricultural modernization, export competition, and food-import dependence versus an alternative vision of revitalized rural life, farmers’ rights, and national food sovereignty. 相似文献
18.
Urban land transformation for pro-poor economies 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Solomon Benjamin 《Geoforum》2004,35(2):177-187
The transformation of land into a setting for clustering local economies can become an important cornerstone of poverty policy. This transformation has several functional aspects, which in turn have important institutional and political aspects. Underlying both the functional and institutional factors is the role of local government and local democracy. Such a conceptualization puts to center stage several paradoxes: A terrain that seems “slum-like” turns out to be highly productive and employment generating. Complex tenure forms and mixed land use seen as “unplanned” turn out to be pre-requisites for economic development. There are institutional paradoxes that contrast efforts at “transparency” and managerial “best practices”. Here, the messiness of local bureaucracies in municipal government turns out to be critical for poor groups to influence interventions in their favor. Influencing the public process may be more effective in stealth-like ways rather taking a more visible approach. Most fundamentally these issues remind us that the potential of cities to reinforce or reduce poverty moved far beyond projects and programs and the normative frameworks used by planners and administrators. Instead, it is the transformative process of turning land into economic settings that might be at the center stage. This is a stage where poor groups are the central actors who stealth-like draw on complex alliances across ethnic and class lines to shapes cities in their interests. 相似文献
19.
Andrea Nightingale 《Geoforum》2003,34(4):525-540
This paper presents a theoretical framework for analyzing human–environment issues that examines shifting, dialectical relationships between social and power relations, cultural beliefs and practices, and ecological processes to allow an interdisciplinary, complex assessment of social and environmental change in Nepal. The purpose of this analysis is to capture the complexity and non-static nature of environmental and social change in the context of uneven development. Drawing from political ecology and feminist geography, this framework brings together scholarship on aspects of human–environment issues that are often pursued in isolation, yet all three processes, social–political relations, cultural practices and ecological conditions, have been acknowledged as important in shaping the trajectory of social and ecological change. I argue that a consideration of the articulations between them is necessary to understand first, how specific land management regimes arise and are dominant over time in specific places. And second, I examine the extent to which these regimes distribute resources equitably within communities, promote economic development and sustain ecological resilience. In this analysis, ecological processes are conceptualised as co-productive of social and cultural processes to explore their role in land management regimes without resorting to environmental determinist or similarly reductive paradigms. I present this framework through the example of natural resource management, specifically community forestry in Nepal, as it offers a rich case study of the relationships between the political economy of land use and the ecological effects of natural resource extraction. 相似文献
20.
Geoff Mann 《Geoforum》2009,40(3):335-344
This paper investigates some aspects of political ecology’s relation to Marxism, specifically its ties to Marxism’s “historical materialism”. I argue Gramsci is an essential feature in the reinvigoration of that relation, and that political ecology should be Marxist, if by Marxist we mean Gramscian. I focus on the concept of hegemony, arguing that Gramsci’s historical materialism, in contrast to the Engelsian tradition within which most materialism is snared, allows us to take account of both moments in Gramsci’s hegemony, the “economic” and the “ethicopolitical”. 相似文献