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1.
Fawzi Asadi Dr. 《GeoJournal》1990,21(4):375-383
A key objective of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in Palestine has been to render the economy of these regions dependent on the Israeli economy and thus hamper their economic development. Large areas of land have been confiscated or expropriated by the Israeli authorities to establish Jewish settlements. Other severe measures imposed include control of irrigation water and obstacles for the Arab agricultural and industrial sector in the Occupied Territories aimed at preventing Arab competition with Israeli products.Palestinian agriculturalists have met this challenge and have worked to achieve higher production levels in agriculture. Nonetheless, economic development there was blocked, and many agriculturalists sought employment inside Israel. The Intifada since December 1987 has aimed at encouraging Arab economic independence and intensification of efforts to meet national requirements of greater self-sufficiency in subsistence crops and stimulation of agriculture-related industries. The Intifada is thus functioning as a stimulus to development and economic viability.  相似文献   

2.
As fewer refugees move into formal camps, what kinds of non-camp spaces are emerging and how does that challenge the ways in which we understand the management and politics of refuge? This paper seeks to shed light on this question through an analysis of informal settlements in Lebanon. The Syrian crisis has displaced millions of people, most of whom have moved into neighbouring countries such as Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey. The Lebanese government, faced with a longer history of Palestinian camps and their militarization has refused to allow the establishment of official refugee camps for Syrians. As a result of this ‘no camp’ policy, Syrians are forced to either live in private rented accommodation in towns and cities throughout the country, or in informal settlements (ISes) built on private, often agricultural land. These informal settlements are built and developed through a complex assemblage of humanitarianism, hospitality, security, economic and political considerations. In this paper, I look at the physical and social spaces of informal settlements in the Bekaa Valley, Eastern Lebanon, examining how differential access to aid, support, security and tacit recognition by the state has led to variations amongst them. In doing so, I expose how an informalized response to the crisis through a system of deregulation is enabling refugee spaces to emerge that are visible, yet unrecognized, flexible, yet precarious. These spaces destabilize the city/camp dichotomy by drawing together elements of both. In engaging with debates on informality, the paper contributes to a growing critical literature on refugee geographies and seeks to expand beyond the reductive narratives of refugee camps, thereby offering insights into refugee futures in increasingly uncertain times.  相似文献   

3.
Shmuel Shamai 《GeoJournal》2018,83(6):1349-1359
This research focused on negative sense of place, a subject that has not adequately considered in the literature. The main purpose of the study was to examine whether it possible to classify the different feelings of negative sense of place, arrange them in hierarchal order, and test them empirically. The aim of the research is to contribute to better understanding of negative sense and methods for examining it. Interviews were held with Israeli settlers who had been evacuated from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank (in 2005) against their will; the research was conducted 3 years after their resettlement. The findings indicate that their perceptions of their places of relocation were negative, but at a relatively low level of (negative) intensity.  相似文献   

4.
Lisa Bhungalia 《GeoJournal》2010,75(4):347-357
In September 2007 Israel’s security cabinet approved a ‘hostile entity’ classification for the Gaza Strip and intensified its economic and diplomatic blockade of this Hamas-controlled region. Taking the ‘hostile entity’ classification as a point of entry, this paper examines the construction of Gaza as an insurgent zone, a liminal space within which Israel’s executive discretion has authorizing force. Central to this process, it argues, is a blurring of lines between the civilian and combatant—the elimination of a purely civilian space. This paper begins with an analysis of the discursive strategies employed to collapse the space between the civilian body and battlefield in Gaza. It then turns to an examination of socio-spatial practices mobilized around the ‘hostile entity’ classification, foremost Israel’s sanctions policy, and argues this counter-insurgency strategy entails regulation and management of the Palestinian body combined with the active subjugation of Palestinian life to the power of death. Centrally, this paper attends to the relationship between geopolitics and violence at the scale of the (Palestinian) body.  相似文献   

5.
David Newman 《GeoJournal》1996,39(4):363-375
The Israel-Palestine peace process has been implemented in a series of stages, beginning with limited Palestinian autonomy in part of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, followed by the territorial expansion of the self government region to include all major Palestinian population centers. The current peace process is no more than a transition stage on the way to Palestinian statehood. Final round negotiations will have to deal with difficult issues of boundary demarcation. This will necessitate transforming the geographically discontinuos map of the Oslo II agreement into separate and compact political territories. While shared Israeli-Palestinian spaces would indicate a real move towards peace, continued mistrust and suspicion of each partner for the other is dictating the creation of separate spaces — for both peoples and territories. This is yet another example of the continued significance of territorial boundaries as part of the conflict resolution process in areas of ethno-territorial disputes.  相似文献   

6.
Nitrate represents one of the major pollutants of groundwater in the Gaza Strip. Several cases of blue babies disease were reported in the last couple of years. The present study is an investigation of the seasonal variations in nitrate concentration to better understand the mechanisms and parameters controlling this perilous pollutant. Nitrate was analysed in 100 wells (47 agricultural and 53 domestic) in five governorates. The results showed that 90% of the tested wells have nitrate far beyond the allowed values set by the World Health Organization (WHO). The average concentration of nitrate in domestic wells is 128 mg/L in June-July and 118 mg/L in Jan-Feb, and for the agricultural wells, the average is 100 mg/L in June-July, and 96 mg/L for Jan-Feb. The results suggest that the seasonal differences in nitrate concentrations of the domestic wells are slightly more observable than those of the agricultural wells. The environmental factors that control nitrate in groundwater are: a partially-confined aquifer, lack of a sewage system, population density, the presence of refugee camps, the presence of fertilizers and the annual rain. The variations in nitrate concentration of the domestic wells are not of considerable values. It is suggested that concrete policies in pollution control and/or prevention measures could be formulated upon better understanding of the environmental factors.  相似文献   

7.
Gwyn Rowley Dr. 《GeoJournal》1992,27(2):217-227
This paper focuses attention upon the existence of a Palestinian refugee population in the land about and immediately adjacent to Israel. It considers both the creation and the continuation of the refugee state within the host communities and the growth occurring within the refugee populations themselves. Some attention will be directed to a consideration of the refugee population vis à vis the dramatic upsurge in the number of former Soviet-CIS Jewish immigrants into Israel, that create further and deepening pressures upon land and water resources and Palestinian refugee matters. The paper is in three main parts following upon a general introduction to refugee studies. Firstly, a quantitative assessment of the Palestinian refugee population incorporates an empirical presentation of base Palestinian population totals and distributions, directing particular attention to growth in the period 1974–90. Secondly, several perspectives are presented as a backcloth to understanding certain of the continuing and mounting tensions within the Middle East in general and among the Palestinian refugee population in particular. Personal experiences of the writer as fieldworker are presented to provide a more general appreciation and awareness of the particular refugee situation within the Occupied Territories. The third part considers the developing and extending yet increasingly fundamental political consciousness among the Palestinian refugees, and certain envisaged reactions, and speculates upon continuing frustrations that are seen to be leading on to dramatic, mounting and extending violence.  相似文献   

8.
Using entropy theory, a methodology was developed for the evaluation and redesign of groundwater quality monitoring wells in the Gaza Strip in Palestine. Essential to the methodology is the development of a Transinformation Model (TM) which yields the amount of information transfer and the dependency between the wells as a function of distance. The TM parameters, such as the minimum transinformation and the range, were employed for evaluating the network which revealed that most of the distances between wells were less than the range. It also indicated that a high percentage of redundant information existed in the network. Therefore, the network was reduced by superimposing a square pattern over the monitored area and selecting one well per square block in a stratified pattern. The methodology was tested using the chloride data collected from 1972–2000 from 417 groundwater quality monitoring wells in the Gaza Strip. The number of the groundwater quality monitoring wells in the Gaza Strip was reduced by 53%, while there was 26% redundant information based on the minimum existing distance between wells. This methodology is meant to help monitor the groundwater quality (salinity) in the Gaza Strip.  相似文献   

9.
The current study introduces the geological subsurface cross-sections in the southern part of the Gaza Strip to show the structure of the aquifer in the area. The cross-sections give evidence of four subaquifers of the coastal aquifer in the southern part of the Gaza Strip. These cross-sections give the natural reasons for the deterioration of the groundwater in the study area. The results show presence of clay lenses that prevent the replenishment processes of the aquifer of fresh water from the rainfall and returns flow from agricultural activities. Lithological formation was evident as one of the natural causes which accelerate destroying process of the coastal aquifer. The results also show that the structure of the aquifer causes the increase of the groundwater salinity in the Gaza Strip. The cross-sections had shown the shortage of storage capacity of high quantities of fresh water in the coastal aquifer in these areas. The role of lithological formation was evident as one of the natural causes to accelerate the process of destroying the coastal aquifer.  相似文献   

10.
Environmental problems of groundwater contamination in the Gaza Strip are summarized in this paper. The Gaza Strip is a very narrow and highly populated area along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea (360 km2). Human activities greatly threaten the groundwater resources in the area, while the unconfined nature of some parts of the coastal main aquifer favors groundwater contamination. Recent investigations show contamination of the aquifer with organic substances from detergents, agrochemicals, sewage (cesspools), and waste degradation. These effects enhance each other because there is no recycling industry, sewage system, or any type of environmental protection management at present. Inorganic contamination results from overpumping, which increases the salinity of the groundwater. Seawater intrusion also increases the salinity of the groundwater that are used for drinking and agricultural purposes. Consequently, at present about 80 percent of the groundwater in the Gaza Strip is unfit for both human and animal consumption. Solutions are very urgently needed for these problems in order to prevent the spread of dangerous diseases.  相似文献   

11.
It seems that beyond differences among the drawings several generalisations may be made, relating to the ethno-spatial relations in Israeli Palestinian adolescents' perceptions, two years after the emergence of the uprising.
–  - Israeli Palestinian adolescents tend to adopt a nationalistic identity that to a large extent denies its Israeli civilian component, and thus tends to deny any shared identity with the Jewish sector. This is a shift from the Israeli Palestinians' political consensus which stresses the struggle for civilian and social equality.
–  - The Israeli Palestinian adolescents fully identify themselves with the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, perceiving the uprising there as the major source of stimulation for the formation of a Palestinian identity.
–  - The PLO is perceived as the only political leadership which supports the Palestinians, including Israeli Palestinians, and offer a tangible sense of control over their destiny.
–  - The Palestinian identity crises (incuding the Israeli Palestinians) will be solved through the PLO military struggle for independence and peaceful compromise with the Jewish state.
–  - The elder adolescents, who have developed more sophisticated spatial abilities and have crystalised their collective identity, tend to attribute Palestinians and Jews with separate territorial bases, while the younger ones tend to ignore the territorial aspects of identity and inter-group relations.
–  - The compromise will lead to coexistence between two separate political identities which split the territory west of the Jordan river equally.
–  - The adolescents at the age of 13–14 represent strong awareness of the Palestinian national struggle and they clearly identify with a tendency to separate themselves from the Israeli state and join a Palestinian identity led by the PLO. If this is the milieu in which they form their identity for the future, one may conclude that the uprising succeeded in increasing unity and solidarity at least between the Israeli Palestinians and the Palestinians of the Occupied Territories around a more crystalised and determined national identity.
  相似文献   

12.
Vaughan Robinson 《Geoforum》1995,26(4):411-427
Many in Western Europe regard it as being in the grip of a refugee crisis. This paper considers this contention. It describes the main stages in the development of the current refugee crisis and argues that having established the agenda in the 1940s, Western Europe has been able to progressively distance itself from refugee episodes and define them as essentially problems of the Third World. The end of the Cold War and the growth in numbers of spontaneous, rather than quota, refugees have been considerable shocks to the West, which can no longer contain and distance itself from refugee flows. Shock has led Europe to overreact and become myopic in its view of refugee matters. In reality, figures demonstrate that Wetern Europe is not the centre of refugee generation, applications or resettlement. Despite this, governments have taken draconian unilateral and multilateral action to exclude not only Third World asylum seekers but also those from the East.  相似文献   

13.
State formation is a complex process. Using the notion of the ghetto state, the case of the West Bank and Gaza Strip are analyzed. State formation processes among the Palestinians are shown to be a direct reaction to the processes of political and military control put into operation by Israel since 1967. The continued administrative and political separation of the West Bank and Gaza from the dominant Israeli territory enable the Palestinians to formulate their own independent national identity. This includes the establishment of economic, cultural and local political organizations, providing the foundations for future statehood. Such organizational capability is indicative of the wide range of non-violent forms of power which, in many cases, are more effective than direct acts of violence against Israel. The Intifada — or popular uprising — which has been in operation since 1987 has enforced these processes of statehood formation, through its combination of both violent and non-violent forms of power.  相似文献   

14.
Gaza coastal aquifer (GCA) is the most precious natural source where it is the only source of water for different uses. Groundwater crisis in Gaza includes two major folds: shortage of water supply and contamination. The extraction of groundwater currently exceeds the aquifer recharge rate. As a result, the groundwater level is falling continuously leading severely deterioration of GCA. The main objective of this study is to analyze and evaluate the current and proposed water resources management plans and their effect on the water level of GCA. In this respect, the available quantities of rainfall that could be harvested and infiltrated from different types of land-use based on existing and planned situations are studied using GIS tool and numerical models for GCA using V-MODFLOW environment for simulating four scenarios: (i) existing management practice (no action scenario), (ii) proposed Palestinian Water Authority (PWA) stormwater infiltration plan, (iii) proposed Gaza Emergency Technical Assistance Program (GETAP) interventions, and (iv) combination between second and third scenarios. The management scenarios were tested with the calibrated flow model for the target period between 2016 and 2040. The simulation results of existing management practice scenario show that there are several depression zones in Gaza Strip; in southern part from ??18 to ??24 m MSL in 2020 and 2040, in the northern part from ??7 to ??12 m MSL in 2020 and 2040, and in the middle regions experienced a small decline in groundwater level. The simulation results of proposed PWA scenario indicate similar depression zones as per first scenario but with good enhancement of water level, ??17 to ??18 m MSL in the southern part and ??3 to ??6 m MSL in the northern part in 2020 and 2040, respectively. The simulation results of GETAP intervention scenario show a positive impact on groundwater level. The results of fourth scenario show good enhancement of water level, in which the water level in the northern part ranges from +?3 to +?6 m MSL in 2020 and 2040, while in the south part ranges from ??15 to +?4 MSL in 2020 and 2040.  相似文献   

15.
Arabian Journal of Geosciences - This paper presents the results of a groundwater hydrochemical assessment in the urban area of Khan Younis City in the southern Gaza Strip by measuring its...  相似文献   

16.
 The Gaza Strip coastal aquifer is under severe hydrological stress due to over-exploitation. Excessive pumping during the past decades in the Gaza region has caused a significant lowering of groundwater levels, altering in some regions the normal transport of salts into the sea and reversing the gradient of groundwater flow. The sharp increase in chloride concentrations in groundwater indicates intrusion of seawater and/or brines from the western part of the aquifer near the sea. Simulations of salt-water intrusion were carried out using a two-dimensional density-dependent flow and transport model SUTRA (Voss 1984). This model was applied to the Khan Yunis section of the Gaza Strip aquifer. Simulations were done under an assumption that pumping rates increase according to the rate of population growth, or about 3.8% a year. Model parameters were estimated using available field observations. Numerical simulations show that the rate of seawater intrusion during 1997–2006 is expected to be 20–45 m/yr. The results lead to a better understanding of aquifer salinization due to seawater intrusion and give some estimate of the rate of deterioration of groundwater. Received, September 1997 Revised, January 1998, July 1998 Accepted, August 1998  相似文献   

17.
Worldwide, the number and the occurrence of events that create international refugees has been increasing dramatically for at least the past fifty years. Analysis of the distribution of the causes and location of refugees has revealed that refugees more often result from military actions than natural disasters. In many instances, the creation of international refugees is a conscious political and military policy, a practice that seems to be increasing. More importantly, some geographic areas seem to be continuing core areas of such practices. Finally, regardless of their cause, refugees present specific problems to national control of population and territory. States that have been open to refugee settlement seldom are neighbor states and many now find their own populations rebelling against continued aid in the form of increased immigration. Most often, contiguous states are unwilling hosts as well as unwilling sites of refugee camps. Such circumstances can cause serious social, political as well as potential military consequences.  相似文献   

18.
Using statistics collected by UNHCR and the Serbian government, the paper examines aspects of the refugee problem in FR Yugoslavia whose war-affected population amounted to 646 066 persons in 1996 (a figure that is almost certainly an underestimate). Relatively few refugees will return to their homes even with a political settlement because so many homes are damaged or destroyed. Many people would like to settle in Western Europe and some have already succeeded (especially in Scandinavia where asylum seekers from Former Yugoslavia accounted for 80 percent of the applications in January-September 1993). But regulations are being tightened and asylum seekers are now facing deportation. Housing refugees in FRY is expensive (only 350 refugees got new homes and permanent citizenship in 1994), but some exchanges have been arranged between Serbs arriving from Croatia and Croats established in Vojvodina who are willing to move in the opposite direction. The most promising solution discussed in the paper is resettlement in border villages which have experienced steady depopulation since the Second World War. Houses are available for refurbishment and arable land is cheap. The resettlement of refugee farmers could make an immediate impact on food production and over the longer term there could be sustained economic growth in the context of a newly-constituted Euroregion. Such a strategy would make a virtue out of necessity by helping the refugees and the border regions which have had their potential enhanced by cross-border cooperation. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

19.
Rainfall is the main source of groundwater recharge in the Gaza Strip area in Palestine. The area is located in the semi-arid zone and there is no source of recharge other than rainfall. Estimation of groundwater recharge from rainfall is not an easy task since it depends on many uncertain parameters. The cumulative rainfall departure (CRD) method, which depends on the water balance principle, was used in this study to estimate the net groundwater recharge from rainfall. This method does not require much data as is the case with other classical recharge estimation methods. The CRD method was carried out using optimisation approach to minimise the root mean square error (RMSE) between the measured and the simulated groundwater head. The results of this method were compared with the results of other recharge estimation methods from literature. It was found that the results of the CRD method are very close to the results of the other methods, but with less data requirements and greater ease of application. Based on the CRD method, the annual amount of groundwater recharge from rainfall in the Gaza Strip is about 43 million m3. An erratum to this article can be found at  相似文献   

20.
Ron J. Smith 《Geoforum》2011,42(3):316-328
This paper highlights the importance of analysis of the microgeographies of occupation, and the spatially-differentiated means that the Israeli Occupation Forces use to maintain the occupation and create spaces of graduated incarceration for Palestinians. Using the examples of the hinterlands of Qalqiliyah and the old city of Al-Khalil (Hebron) in the occupied West Bank, this paper exposes the microgeographical differentiation the occupation mobilizes in its attempt to enact a panoptic sovereignty over the population, in the process of dispossession. This study challenges geopolitical formations of the state as primary actor, and focuses instead on narratives of Palestinians describing their own experiences of occupation by a hostile state. By relying on popular media, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation, this paper seeks to incorporate a Palestinian vision of life under occupation to challenge traditional geopolitical visions of the Palestinian Israeli conflict, in effect creating a subaltern geopolitical narrative.  相似文献   

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