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1.
减少发展中国家毁林及森林退化的温室气体排放已成为《联合国气候变化框架公约》谈判的重要议题。从该公约的第十一次缔约方大会(COP11)以来,各缔约国就此议题提出了各自的观点,除在方法学等问题上存在争议外,在激励机制和毁林纳入清洁发展机制(CDM)与否上也存在分歧,巴西、中美洲及非洲的发展中国家希望通过基金的方式获得额外的资金和技术支持,而美国、澳大利亚和欧盟等发达国家却更倾向于CDM市场机制。结合中国森林管理方面的现状,分析了中国在此议题上可能受到的影响并提出了谈判的对策建议。 相似文献
2.
伐木制品碳储量对森林生态系统和大气之间的碳平衡起着至关重要的作用,伐木制品替代化石燃料,以及延长产品使用寿命对于减缓温室气体的排放具有很大的潜力。因此,伐木制品的碳储量议题已被列为《联合国气候变化框架公约》谈判的重要议题,并且将成为今后林业议题谈判的重要内容之一。在参与林业议题谈判和分析相关谈判资料的基础上,对各主要谈判方的观点作了简要总结,指出了目前该议题谈判存在的主要问题,并指出了今后谈判和研究的主要方向以及我国谈判的建议,以期为我国今后的履约战略提供支持。 相似文献
3.
2012年《联合国气候变化框架公约》（简称《公约》）多哈会议期间,应对气候变化不利影响的损失与危害问题突然升温,成为影响大会能否成功的关键议题之一。通过回顾《公约》下损失与危害问题谈判的背景历程,对主要集团的观点和核心问题进行了分析,认为发达国家出于自身利益考虑,弱化《公约》下承担的历史责任,甚至向发展中国家转嫁责任,是损失与危害谈判进展缓慢的根本原因。并提出在2013年第十九次缔约方大会（COP19）上损失与危害谈判中,发展中国家需要坚持损失与危害议题的本质是要求发达国家承担历史责任,坚决抵制责任转嫁;损失与危害谈判必须加强发展中国家的团结,必须清醒地认识到让部分发展中大国承担出资义务是不公平的要求;确保损失与危害国际机制具备活动组织、资金来源、效果评估与报告等一系列核心职能,以争取损失与危害议题谈判取得成功。 相似文献
4.
自2005年作为《京都议定书》缔约方会议的《联合国气候变化框架公约》（以下简称《公约》）缔约方会议第一届会议（CMP.1）决定启动《京都议定书》第二承诺期进程以来,国际社会通过《京都议定书》缔约方特设工作组（AWG-KP）针对第二承诺期的谈判紧锣密鼓地进行。在第二承诺期如何利用LULUCF活动（包括与LULUCF活动有关的清洁发展机制项目）,也是谈判中的主要议题之一。通过调研,概述了AWG-KP的谈判进展,结合第一承诺期LULUCF有关规则的不足,对LULUCF有关的关键问题进行了综合分析,提出了关于第二承诺期LULUCF规则的建议。 相似文献
5.
详细介绍了《联合国气候变化框架公约》缔约方会议第13次会议通过的"巴厘路线图"的具体内容。"巴厘路线图"规划了未来两年将要谈判的重要议题,包括发达国家在2012年后减排温室气体义务;发展中国家未来温室气体减排行动;适应气候变化;发达国家未来向发展中国家提供技术转让、资金支持和能力建设等。这些议题谈判的成败,将对未来保护气候的国际努力、对未来全球的气候环境产生决定性影响,从而对谈判前景做了分析 相似文献
6.
详细介绍了《联合国气候变化框架公约》缔约方会议第13次会议通过的"巴厘路线图"的具体内容。"巴厘路线图"规划了未来两年将要谈判的重要议题,包括发达国家在2012年后减排温室气体义务;发展中国家未来温室气体减排行动;适应气候变化;发达国家未来向发展中国家提供技术转让、资金支持和能力建设等。这些议题谈判的成败,将对未来保护气候的国际努力、对未来全球的气候环境产生决定性影响,从而对谈判前景做了分析 相似文献
7.
《联合国气候变化框架公约》（UNFCCC）附属机构第26次会议（SB26）于2007年5月7～18日在德国波恩召开。中国气象局派科技发展司戴晓苏、邓茂芝和国家气候中心何勇同志参加了中国政府代表团。现将会议的基本情况和总体形势及中国气象局负责议题的谈判情况汇报如下。[第一段] 相似文献
8.
2006年10月,英国推出的由著名经济学家斯特恩爵士领导编写的《斯特恩回顾：气候变化经济学》,从经济学的角度着重论述了全球应对气候变化的紧迫性,强调只有尽快大幅度减少温室气体排放,才能避免全球升温超过2℃可能造成的巨大经济损失,且减排成本并不高。2008年4月,斯特恩爵士再次推出一份报告,提出为实现上述目标构建2012年后国际气候制度的基本要素,这对后续国际谈判可能会产生一定的影响。通过比较分析两份报告的关系和不同特点,对新报告中国际气候制度设计和评价的基本原则,全球减排的长期目标和减排义务的分担,通过资金、技术、市场、适应等国际政策措施吸引发展中国家参与,减少毁林排放,以及政策执行和制度建设等问题进行了评述和解读,其中内涵对深入开展国际气候制度的研究和我国参与国际气候谈判有重要启发。 相似文献
9.
2006年10月,英国推出的由著名经济学家斯特恩爵士领导编写的《斯特恩回顾：气候变化经济学》,从经济学的角度着重论述了全球应对气候变化的紧迫性,强调只有尽快大幅度减少温室气体排放,才能避免全球升温超过2℃可能造成的巨大经济损失,且减排成本并不高。2008年4月,斯特恩爵士再次推出一份报告,提出为实现上述目标构建2012年后国际气候制度的基本要素,这对后续国际谈判可能会产生一定的影响。通过比较分析两份报告的关系和不同特点,对新报告中国际气候制度设计和评价的基本原则,全球减排的长期目标和减排义务的分担,通过资金、技术、市场、适应等国际政策措施吸引发展中国家参与,减少毁林排放,以及政策执行和制度建设等问题进行了评述和解读,其中内涵对深入开展国际气候制度的研究和我国参与国际气候谈判有重要启发。 相似文献
10.
适应信息通报作为《巴黎协定》下联结国家个体适应行动、全球适应目标以及全球集体适应努力的纽带,是目前《巴黎协定》特设工作组（APA）下唯一的适应议题,会对未来全球适应气候变化的政策和行动产生较大影响。本文总结了APA适应信息通报的谈判进程和最新进展,梳理了不同缔约方和谈判集团对适应信息通报目的、内容、报告渠道、指南和灵活性的立场和观点,展望了适应信息通报未来的谈判走势。中国与大多数发展中国家相比,开展适应行动及提供信息报告的能力较强,在适应信息通报谈判中立场相对灵活,但未来在有关适应的资金支持谈判等方面仍面临着压力,建议推动和深化适应气候变化领域南南合作以团结更多发展中国家,促进全球适应行动,回应发展中国家的关切。 相似文献
11.
《Climate Policy》2013,13(2):207-220
Since 2005, Parties to the UNFCCC have been negotiating policy options for incentivizing reductions of (greenhouse gas) emissions from deforestation and degradation (REDD) in a future climate regime. Proposals on how to operationalize REDD range from market-based to pure fund-based approaches. Most of the current proposals suggest accounting for REDD at the national level. Accounting for emission reductions and implementing policy reform for curbing deforestation will take time and imply high levels of technical and institutional capacity. Therefore it is essential that developing countries receive sufficient support to implement national REDD programmes. To save time and ensure prompt action in reducing deforestation, a REDD approach is proposed that integrates project-level and subnational REDD schemes into national-level accounting. This ‘nested approach’ can achieve meaningful reductions in GHG emissions from improved forest governance and management, while allowing for an immediate and broad participation by developing countries, civil society and the private sector. 相似文献
12.
《Climate Policy》2013,13(3):247-260
In order to stabilize long-term greenhouse gas concentrations at 450 ppm CO2-eq or lower, developed countries as a group should reduce emissions by 25–40% below 1990 levels by 2020, while developing countries' emissions need to be reduced by around 15–30%, relative to their baseline levels, according to the IPCC and our earlier work. This study examines 19 other studies on the emission reductions attributed to the developed and developing countries for meeting a 450 ppm target. These studies considered different allocation approaches, according to equity principles. The effect of the assumed global emissions cap in these studies is analysed. For developed countries, the original reduction range of 25–40% by 2020 is still within the average range of all studies, but does not cover it completely. Comparing the studies shows that assuming a global emissions cap of 5–15% above 1990 levels by 2020 generally leads to more stringent reduction targets than when a global emissions cap of 20–30% above 1990 levels is assumed. For developing countries, the reduction range of 15–30% below their baseline levels by 2020 corresponds to an increase on the 1990 level from 70% (about the 2006 level) to 120%. Reducing deforestation emissions by 50% below baseline levels by 2020 may relax the emission reductions for either group of countries; for developing countries by about 7% or for developed countries by about 15% (but not for both). 相似文献
13.
《Global Environmental Change》2003,13(1):31-42
Global climate policy currently is making efforts to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions of industrialized countries through implementation of the Kyoto Protocol. Yet, the development of greenhouse gas emissions in newly industrialized and developing countries is deeply influencing the perspectives of stabilizing the global climate system. This study takes a closer look at the challenges facing Taiwan as an illustrative example to analyze the trends of greenhouse gas emissions, to assess current strategies and their controversies, and to explore strategies for mobilizing national climate policies. Analyzing the aspects of emission caps, carbon taxes, and clean development mechanisms may shed light on the necessity of involving newly industrialized countries and joint reduction into global climate protection schemes. Hopefully, this analysis may provide inspiring insights about the international climate regime and to other newly industrialized and developing countries which can then adopt effective policies for stabilizing the global climate system. 相似文献
14.
Deforestation, the second largest source of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions, is largely driven by expanding forestry and agriculture. However, despite agricultural expansion being increasingly driven by foreign demand, the links between deforestation and foreign demand for agricultural commodities have only been partially mapped. Here we present a pan-tropical quantification of carbon emissions from deforestation associated with the expansion of agriculture and forest plantations, and trace embodied emissions through global supply chains to consumers. We find that in the period 2010–2014, expansion of agriculture and tree plantations into forests across the tropics was associated with net emissions of approximately 2.6 gigatonnes carbon dioxide per year. Cattle and oilseed products account for over half of these emissions. Europe and China are major importers, and for many developed countries, deforestation emissions embodied in imports rival or exceed emissions from domestic agriculture. Depending on the trade model used, 29–39% of deforestation-related emissions were driven by international trade. This is substantially higher than the share of fossil carbon emissions embodied in trade, indicating that efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from land-use change need to consider the role of international demand in driving deforestation. Additionally, we find that deforestation emissions are similar to, or larger than, other emissions in the carbon footprint of key forest-risk commodities. Similarly, deforestation emissions constitute a substantial share (˜15%) of the total carbon footprint of food consumption in EU countries. This highlights the need for consumption-based accounts to include emissions from deforestation, and for the implementation of policy measures that cross these international supply-chains if deforestation emissions are to be effectively reduced. 相似文献
15.
在以时间顺序梳理世界主要国家气候谈判立场演变历程的基础上,研究了主要国家在《京都议定书》中减排目标的执行情况,并对这些国家至2025、2030年的中长期减排目标进行了评估。研究发现,美国、加拿大、澳大利亚对待气候变化问题的积极性均与执政者相关,而从当前3个国家执政党看,均表现出不积极减排的立场,至2030年,美国、加拿大、澳大利亚的温室气体排放量比1990年水平下降均低于20%,远低于欧盟至2030年比1990年减排40%的水平。基础四国在国际减排谈判中由最初的反对者逐渐转变为积极参与者,其中,中国不仅提出了国内2030年左右碳排放达峰的减排目标,而且积极提供资金用于其他发展中国家的减排;南非的长期碳排放将趋于稳定,但在2025年之后有反弹的可能;巴西得益于毁林减少在气候谈判中表现积极,至2030年排放量下降显著;而印度至2030年排放路径保持上升趋势。 相似文献
16.
《Climate Policy》2002,2(4):303-318
To stabilise atmospheric greenhouse gas concentrations, all countries will eventually need to be included in the effort to limit climate change. This article explores what potential future greenhouse gas allocation schemes might mean for key developing countries. The need for development is widely acknowledged, but growth in non-Annex I country emissions means that such development may need to take a different path to business as usual. The national interests of developing countries in negotiating potential future commitments are shaped by basic characteristics, notably emissions (both annual and historical cumulative), economic growth and population. These factors in turn shape the acceptability of allocations based on ability to pay, emissions intensity, or emissions per capita.Results for six major developing countries (China, India, Brazil, South Africa, Argentina and Nigeria) show that the implications for developing countries differ widely. For example, ability to pay does not favour Argentina; a reduction based on emissions intensity is not appropriate for Brazil; and per capita allocations would be problematic for South Africa. It is difficult to conceive of a single allocation scheme that would be appropriate for all developing countries. This points to the need for differentiation between developing countries in terms of any potential future commitments. 相似文献
17.
As part of the Copenhagen Accord, Annex I Parties (industrialised countries) and non-Annex I Parties (developing countries) have submitted reduction proposals (pledges) and mitigation actions to the UNFCCC secretariat. Our calculations show that if the current reduction offers of Annex I and non-Annex I countries are fully implemented, global greenhouse gas emissions could amount to 48.6-49.7 GtCO2eq by 2020. Recent literature suggests that the emission level should be between 42 and 46 GtCO2eq by 2020 to maintain a “medium” chance (50-66%) of meeting the 2 °C target. The emission gap is therefore 2.6-7.7 GtCO2eq. We have identified a combined set of options, which could result in an additional 2.8 GtCO2eq emission reduction. This would lead to an emission level just within the range needed. The options include reducing deforestation and emissions from bunker fuels, excluding emissions allowance increases from land use and forestry rules, and taking into account the national climate plans of China and India. However, there are also important risks that could widen the emissions gap, like lower reductions from countries with only a conditional pledge and the use of Kyoto and/or trading of new surplus emission allowances. 相似文献
18.
《Climate Policy》2013,13(4):303-318
Abstract To stabilise atmospheric greenhouse gas concentrations, all countries will eventually need to be included in the effort to limit climate change. This article explores what potential future greenhouse gas allocation schemes might mean for key developing countries. The need for development is widely acknowledged, but growth in non-Annex I country emissions means that such development may need to take a different path to business as usual. The national interests of developing countries in negotiating potential future commitments are shaped by basic characteristics, notably emissions (both annual and historical cumulative), economic growth and population. These factors in turn shape the acceptability of allocations based on ability to pay, emissions intensity, or emissions per capita. Results for six major developing countries (China, India, Brazil, South Africa, Argentina and Nigeria) show that the implications for developing countries differ widely. For example, ability to pay does not favour Argentina; a reduction based on emissions intensity is not appropriate for Brazil; and per capita allocations would be problematic for South Africa. It is difficult to conceive of a single allocation scheme that would be appropriate for all developing countries. This points to the need for differentiation between developing countries in terms of any potential future commitments. 相似文献