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Climate change is likely to adversely affect many countries throughout the world, but the responses of different countries to this threat vary widely. Attempts to explain the differences in countries’ mitigative policies have been largely deficient. This study seeks to assess the degree to which vulnerability may improve the level of explanation of adopted mitigation policies, studying over 90 countries between 1990 and 2011. Vulnerability is defined to be comprised of two basic factors: impacts (expected damages due to climate change) and adaptive capacity (the ability to adjust to these damages). As there may be a gap between declared and implemented policies, these components of mitigation policy are examined separately. In addition, other variables which mediate between these ‘extreme ends’ of mitigation policies are tested.The effect of vulnerability on climate change mitigation policies is examined by multiple regressions, incorporating a wide range of control variables. The results indicate that climate impacts do not affect mitigation policies. Adaptive capacity has a positive effect on the level of declared policy, but this effect becomes insignificant once implemented policy is examined. However, other tests suggest a possible transition from declarations to actions by high adaptive capacity countries. This finding suggests that high adaptive capacity countries do not view mitigation and adaptation as substitutes. Further analyses indicate that the insignificancy of impacts is caused by the uncertainty in their assessment. 相似文献
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Natural Hazards - Collapse of residential buildings is the major cause of death during earthquakes. Seismic retrofitting of residential buildings is a cost-effective way to reduce injury and death.... 相似文献
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Issues posed by global environmental change can be viewed as the problem of the commons on a larger geographic scale. A framework for analysing how geographic scale affects governments' ability to manage environmental problems is suggested here. It is based on interactions between four dimensions: production-consumption relationships; distribution of the benefits and costs of various activities; level of administrative control; and spatial scale of individuals' attachment to place. Global environmental problems can be viewed as a case where benefits from polluting activities are spatially concentrated relative to costs. The difficulty in addressing such problems stems from the discrepancy in geographic scale between adverse impacts and level of administrative control. The possibility of adapting institutional structures to match the scale of the problems is examined, in light of the increasing spatial scale of production-consumption relationships in the post-industrial world and the growing demand for local control across the globe. The geographic scale of ideological attachment to place is identified as an important variable in determining the ability to respond to large-scale environmental problems. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTThe literature on environmental security often stresses the complementarity between sustainability and broader security goals. Less emphasis has been placed on possible trade-offs between security objectives and aspects of sustainability. This study examines the conditions under which these synergies and trade-offs are likely to occur, and how the trade-offs can be reconciled, especially during times of peacebuilding. As a case study, we analyse the effect of Israeli security concerns on environmental infrastructure designed to treat wastewater in the West Bank. This study identifies several sustainability–security trade-offs: (1) economic—in which security concerns raise costs of wastewater infrastructure, thereby crowding-out other potentially productive investments; (2) equity—in which security concerns result in disproportionate exposure of populations to environmental hazards; and (3) environmental—in which security concerns increase ecological footprints. Yet, our case study also indicates that both sides used a variety of creative measures to reconcile these trade-offs.
EDITOR D. Koutsoyiannis GUEST EDITOR K. Aggestam 相似文献
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Desalination alters a basic premise of water geography – fresh water flows from the sea inward, rather than the other way around. But, is this observation important? To address this question it is necessary to identify the potential ramifications of the changes in the water geography brought about by desalination. Israel is used as a basis for identifying these ramifications as it has recently embarked on a large-scale desalination program. The direct readily observable implications of the three main attributes of desalination, the reversal of flow direction, the continuity of water production, regardless of weather and climate vagrancies, and its cost are first spelled out. Then the potential ramifications for internal power structures, pricing and transboundary water agreements are discussed for the Israeli and Israeli–Arab scene. It is shown that the spatial flexibility introduced by desalination may undermine existing power relations within the water sector, which were based on the previous water geography. In the Israeli case these changes may be used to undermine the monopoly power of the national water company and of its organized labor, thereby advancing a neoliberal agenda. Desalination may have also significant distributional implications, as a function of the pricing effects it may have. Finally, the new water geography raises new issues in the Israeli–Arab water scene. The general insights gained from the Israeli case are then spelled out. 相似文献
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Eran Feitelson 《The Professional geographer》1991,43(2):190-205
Faced with soaring survey costs, geographers may increasingly consider mail or telephone surveys as alternatives to in-person interviews. This study goes beyond comparisons of response rates to analyze possible biases of administration methods in geographic studies. An empirical comparison between an in-person interview survey and two mail surveys of recent home buyers’ housing preferences revealed that the mail surveys provided better representation of this population, as they had a higher completion rate (though lower response rate). While respondent attributes differed across administration modes, no direct effects of administration method on responses were found. Mail surveys appear to be a viable alternative to personal interviews in a wider set of cases than geographers usually assume, though more empirical work is needed to determine the extent of such cases. 相似文献
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Eran Feitelson 《Geoforum》1996,27(4):527-537
While many studies have analyzed EIS procedures, only a few have analyzed EISs as part of the development process. When viewed from this perspective, EISs are shown to have a skewing effect on territorial development; they address mainly infrastructure projects, and consequently delay them, but hardly touch any of the residential projects which the infrastructure is designed to serve. This discrepancy can have deleterious consequences due to residential encroachment on various infrastructure facilities, as well as due to the growing shortfall of transport and environmental infrastructure. When EISs are analyzed in terms of project area, areas where impacts and benefits are felt, and administrative control zones, it becomes apparent that the impacts and benefits analyzed may be affected by the spatial scope of administrative control and project areas. A case in point is the ‘Kalanit’ landfill in Israel. Here the benefit and impact areas analyzed in the EIS were affected by the jurisdiction of the committee that requested the EIS and to which it was submitted. This discrepancy between benefit, impact and administrative control areas is also at the source of the emerging interest in cross-boundary EIA. 相似文献
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Eran Feitelson 《Hydrogeology Journal》2006,14(3):319-329
The reliance on aquifers which are shared by more than one country is increasing. Yet, shared aquifers are only rarely addressed in international treaties, despite the wide recognition of the desirability of comprehensive coordinated management. In order to identify the impediments to reaching agreements on the management of shared aquifers, and the factors that may assist in overcoming these impediments, the political economy of transboundary groundwater exploitation is outlined, and the Israeli-Palestinian case examined. It is argued that the main impediment to the conclusion of international agreements on groundwater is the array of domestic power structures, and particularly the power of small cohesive interest groups. The analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian 1995 interim agreement, and the negotiations leading to it, suggest that this impediment can be overcome, if the domestic interests are recognized in advance, and addressed in the agreement. It also shows that high level politics can play a positive role in forcing water negotiators to conclude an agreement.
相似文献
| Eran FeitelsonEmail: Phone: +972-2-5883346Fax: +972-2-5881200 |
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Shmueli Deborah F. Segal Ehud Ben Gal Michal Feitelson Eran Reichman Amnon 《Natural Hazards》2019,98(2):405-423
Natural Hazards - The Jordan Rift Valley is a high-risk low-occurrence zone for earthquakes, with documented incidences within the last millennium causing widespread destruction. This research... 相似文献
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Despite the much-vaunted advantages of basin-wide management many transboundary water regimes do not conform in practice to the basin-wide scale. This study examines whether a spatial alternative that includes only parts of the basin is indeed viable. To this end the US–Canada case is examined. Two questions are asked: why has a non-basin scale been adopted? And whether this option is indeed viable. The review of the negotiations leading up to the US–Canada 1909 Boundary Treaty, and to the establishment of the International Joint Commission (IJC) to control the boundary water (i.e., only the water that crosses the boundary at the point of crossing), shows that the choice of this scale was an outcome of a deadlock in negotiations at the basin scale. The boundary scale was chosen as it reduced the number of players involved in the decision-making process and, consequently, the political costs of a basin-wide agreement. Inevitably, in the subsequent decades the regime faced challenges due to the discrepancy between its jurisdiction and basins. Perhaps the most severe challenge was posed by the Chicago Diversion that was excluded from the regime jurisdiction. Therefore, the paper focuses on how the boundary scale addressed the Chicago diversion externalities. The discussion of this case suggests that the combination of the flexibility of the regime and its interpretations, the nature of the resource (inter-connected lakes) and the two-way upstream–downstream relations along the borders allowed this challenge to be contained. It seems, thus, that a regime can indeed be set at a different scale than the basin-wide one and still be viable. 相似文献
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