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1.
随着全球生态环境问题的日益凸显,政治生态学以关注造成环境问题的政治因素为研究内核,成为不同学科共同探索的研究领域。地理学以人地关系为立足点,深化政治生态学研究的空间性和政治性。论文首先通过对西方政治生态学理论脉络进行梳理,发现政治生态学根源于早期环境批判思想、西方马克思主义、后结构主义以及后人类主义理论,并与地理学的发展相辅相成。其次,对近30年西方地理学与政治生态学的相关研究成果进行分析发现,现有的研究议题主要聚焦于生态经济与绿色发展、生态治理与环境保育、生态身份与微观政治及生态客体与能动性4个方面。在此基础上,论文总结了相关研究对中国地理学进行政治生态学研究的借鉴意义,并进一步提出立足中国本土进行政治生态学研究未来需要关注的方向。 相似文献
2.
政治地理课程体系设计研究——中外主流教材和课纲比较视角 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
当前的国际形势和国内治理问题对政治地理学理论和方法发展提出了巨大需求,但是目前国内政治地理学的学科和理论体系仍相对滞后,缺乏能够反映近二十年来理论进展和取得广泛共识的政治地理教材或课程体系。为此,本文在系统梳理和比较中西方主流政治地理教材和课程大纲的基础上,尝试提出一个面向中国当前需求的政治地理课程体系设计。该课程体系以“政治/权力”与“地理/空间”的关系为核心,以尺度为主线,包含学科概览、核心概念、国际尺度的政治地理理论、次国家尺度的政治地理理论和政治地理理论和方法的应用5大方面,纳入了关于学科思想史、方法论等方面的前沿成果和近年兴起的关于政治生态学、跨境移民、绅士化和“一带一路”倡议等理论议题,可供面向本科生和研究生的政治地理教材编写和课程设计参考。 相似文献
3.
中国政治地理与地缘政治理论研究展望:青年学者笔谈 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
中国政治地理学和地缘政治学的发展相对滞后，目前仍未形成系统、有共识的学科理论框架。为此，基于2019年先后在上海和广州举办的多次研讨会，国内15位青年地理学者结合自身的研究基础和中国政治地理学和地缘政治学科建设和理论发展的需要，提出了一系列未来值得深入研究的中国政治地理学和地缘政治研究方向。这些研究方向具体包括：多尺度的地缘环境、科技地缘政治、批判地缘政治、环境政治、能源地缘政治、国别区域研究、通权论、民意政治、都市政治、劳工政治地理、区域一体化的政治地理、城市政治地理学、中西权地秩序比较、新技术革命催生的新人地关系、尺度政治、马克思主义政治地理学、历史政治地理和基于福柯治理术的空间-权力关系理论等。此外，各位青年学者一致认为，中国政治地理学和地缘政治研究应该具有多尺度特征、加强原创性理论研究、回归“地理空间-权力关系”的主线。希望本文抛砖引玉，引发更多关于中国政治地理学和地缘政治学科建设和理论发展的讨论和成果。 相似文献
4.
《Urban geography》2013,34(3):229-250
The provision of public services by the local state involves the full range of politics, structural forces, and actors at work in the world system. Materialist theory provides a means by which these disparate elements can be integrated as the state performs its two primary functions: maintaining conditions favorable for the accumulation of capital and ensuring the legitimacy of the economic and political systems. National and local governments attempt to provide conditions in specific places that will foster growth; the politics of production characterize these efforts. On the local level the state also provides a forum in which the demands of less organized and powerful interests can be heard, as it attempts to maintain the loyalty of the public; the politics of consumption characterize this activity. An empirical analysis of local government expenditures for public services in the United States indicates the role that public services play in the performance of these two functions of the capitalist state. 相似文献
5.
The literatures on urban forestry, environmental justice, and Marxist urban political ecology are considered through empirical attention to the localized racial and ethnic politics which spatially differentiate urban socio-natural landscapes. In the American Southwest, urban landscapes reflect a history in which Anglo Whites were able to distance themselves from spaces of production while gaining access to superior residences and environmental amenities in spaces of reproduction; ethnoracially marginalized Others were treated as necessary yet disfavored populations, thus constituting a segregated mode of production. In this study, we investigate the association between tree canopy cover and the location of urban ethnic minority populations with a focus on the arid Southern High Plains city of Lubbock, Texas. Using data from color infrared aerial photography and block-group demographic indicators from the 2010 US Census, we analyze the city’s arboreal landscape with a mix of methods—hierarchical regression, archival research, and field observation. Results confirm that a lack of tree cover in minority neighborhoods is a symptom of broader environmental inequalities in which contemporary segregation patterns reflect a history of residential and land-use zoning with the socio-natural relations of planting and sustaining urban trees. 相似文献
6.
COLIN R. McLEAY 《New Zealand geographer》1995,51(2):1-6
The recent ‘cultural turn’ in human geography has neglected music and its impact in the construction and understanding of landscape and the politics of place. Using the songs of the rockgroup U2 to show how geographic imagery is used for political purposes, this paper attempts to ‘breakthe silence’ of contemporary cultural geography. 相似文献
7.
Adam Keul 《Geographical review》2014,104(4):506-522
The development of ethnic tourism involves a process of community‐ and individual‐level objectification and commodification. To be attractive to outsiders, planners and tourism professionals often present local lifeways as unique and local while and contrasting them to an external globalized world. Using a political economic approach, this paper shows that this process of self‐commodification may give tourism professionals some control over how ethnic cultures are is presented, but does so within the parameters of state oversight and consumers’ desires. A case study of Louisiana Cajun tourism reveals how a specific narrative of swamp subsistence is deployed by individual tour guides and through the tourism planning process. This “heritage ecology” is used to romanticize a Cajun cultural ecology as “living off of the swamp” despite the fact that swamp commodities have almost always been produced for external markets. Similar to past commodities, swamp tourism still involves the production of Cajun‐swamp culture for outside consumers. This type of tourism paradoxically presents the image of a physically and socially disconnected ethnic group by fostering connections with outsiders while in the swamp. 相似文献
8.
尺度政治理论框架 总被引：10，自引：3，他引：10
目前国内外对尺度及尺度政治的讨论十分热烈。本文在整合已有研究的基础上,基于主体与结构视角提出了一个三阶段的尺度政治理论框架,指出政治过程和权力结构的尺度化是尺度政治的前提,尺度重构是尺度政治的核心机制,权力关系重构是尺度政治的目的和结果。具体而言,尺度化涉及物质空间、组织空间和表达空间的大小、层级、范围等结构关系;尺度重构包含由尺度上推、下推、重组,以及上述不同尺度形式构成的3×3矩阵;不同政治主体会采用特定尺度重构策略改变权力关系,并造成一系列尺度关系和合法性的悖论。基于以上认识,本文进一步讨论了中西方关于尺度和尺度政治的认知差异和未来值得深入研究的课题。 相似文献
9.
国际河流因涉及国家间的资源归属和主权事务而具有强烈的政治属性。尽管国际水政治相关的权力和空间议题已成为国际学界的热点之一,但尚未在国内政治地理学者中得到充分关注。结合质性系统性综述与文献计量学方法,对1990—2020年Web of Science核心合集中235篇与CNKI数据库中158篇国际水政治文章进行回顾。结果表明,国际水政治研究呈现多学科介入的特点,中文研究侧重国际关系和国际法议题,英文研究则以政治地理学和政治生态学为主要理论基础。总体而言,在水冲突与合作、话语批判、水-社会关系三大研究主题下,既有研究不仅通过多元主体和话语建构回应“领域陷阱”的局限性,还从辩证和关系视角丰富水的本体论和认识论,从而推进了国际水政治的研究议程。本文认为,政治地理学者可从空间、领域、尺度等角度进一步深化国际水政治研究,为全球治理和可持续发展贡献地理学的理论和思考。 相似文献
10.
Graeme Aplin 《The Australian geographer》2000,31(3):273-287
Economics, especially the narrowly defined form of economics known as neo-liberal economics, along with its policy derivative known as economic rationalism, dominates public and political debate and decision-making in Australia and many other nations as the twentieth century approaches its close. In the context of environmental issues, as also in that of welfare issues, the present over-dominance is unhealthy. Despite the best attempts of environmental economists and ecological economists, they have had relatively little influence on the broader economic profession, or on the political and business communities. Economics and free trade also dominate the international scene at the expense of equity and environmental issues. Environmental debates, by their very nature, are usually complex, requiring interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary approaches which include the economic perspective, but much else besides. Despite the importance of local context and spatial and temporal location, there is a need for a meta-theory or national philosophy to allow the integration across space and time so often needed. The present meta-theory, firmly based in economic rationalism, is inadequate as a basis for environmental decision-making. We desperately need a new meta-theory that explicitly integrates economic, environmental, welfare and many other perspectives. Perhaps such a meta-theory could be broadly based on the concept of sustainability, though much more work is needed to refine such an approach. A major swing in public opinion from the old meta-theory to the new is essential as a forerunner to political action, and education at all levels is needed to bring about this change. There are some signs that this change is already informing public opinion, and that it may have begun to influence mainstream Australian politics. 相似文献
11.
On the politics of recognition in critical urban scholarship 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
Kate Driscoll Derickson 《Urban geography》2016,37(6):824-829
In this response to Ananya Roy’s plenary talk at the Association of American Geographers annual meeting in 2015, “What’s urban about critical urban theory,” I engage the work of Nancy Fraser and feminist epistemologists to argue for the necessity of a robust critical politics of recognition in knowledge projects with emancipatory aims. I question the political utility and empirical accuracy of the increasingly popular assertion that there is no analytical outside to the category “urban,” and argue, like many feminist, post-colonial, and anti-racist scholars before me, that attempts to construct a totalizing political subject have the effect of reproducing cultural misrecognition and are thus incompatible with emancipatory politics. 相似文献
12.
国际上的政治地理学研究进展与启示————对《Political Geography》杂志2005-2015年载文的分析 总被引：7，自引：0，他引：7
通过对国际上的政治地理学旗舰性杂志《Political Geography》2005-2015年期间391篇成果的分析,总结出国际政治地理学研究的主要研究议题为:边境与边界,环境政治,空间与尺度,领土和主权以及安全问题,选举地理,社会和文化政治,其中空间与尺度,领土和主权以及安全问题,社会和文化政治几个方向研究成果占较大比例,而其他三个方向则相对较少.通过研究方法分析发现,国际政治地理学主要采用定性分析的方法,尤其是民族志和文本分析的方法,定量分析的使用存在一定的局限性.最后,从该杂志的研究对象和研究机构两个方面的分析归纳出:欧美主导的发达国家(尤其是英国和美国)对世界政治地理学话题的学术霸权与世界南,北差异发展具有一定的相关性.在中国综合国力日渐增强,参与国际事务能力不断提高以及作为新兴的地缘政治力量崛起的社会历史背景下,政治地理学经世致用之能亟待被展现.因此,中国政治地理学发展作为发展中国家的声音势必将越来越洪亮. 相似文献
13.
Llewellyn Leonard 《Singapore journal of tropical geography》2012,33(1):77-92
The concerns of political ecology since its beginnings as a field have been predominantly set in rural areas with limited focus on urban industrial risks. Further, debates on the global South (often from Anglo‐American perspectives) have not fully appreciated the divergent and differentiated perceptions of urban risks and, therefore, everyday forms of resistance within civil society. Instead, work has mainly focused on civil society power relations against the state and industry that are driven by coherent populist political agendas. Against this setting, this paper's contribution aims to better contextualize ‘other’ third world localities in political ecology through a case study of urban industrial risks in the upper/middle income (as opposed to rural, low/lower middle income) country, South Africa. In doing so, the paper sheds light on the derelict aspect of civil society contestation, especially along class and ethnic lines, over urban landfill infrastructure as a livelihood resource or a health hazard. The paper draws upon frameworks of self‐reflexivity and reflexive localism as complementary to the mainstream political ecology to illuminate differentiated civil society reflexiveness and therefore, aims to advance the discussion of other political ecologies. The case study of the largest formal landfill site in Africa, the Bisasar landfill situated in Durban, highlights differences underlying power relations and constraints within civil society (in leadership, social networking, resources and mistrust) that have implications for mainstream political ecology notions of civil society coherence. 相似文献
14.
Godwin Uyi Ojo 《Singapore journal of tropical geography》2012,33(1):49-62
Since its emergence as a research field in the 1980s, political ecology has provided a useful tool to explicate violent environments, notably as hallmarks of natural resource‐dependent economies. Practitioners regularly address what might be called ‘charismatic’ natural resources such as oil and other precious minerals to describe contestation over access and control of natural resources. Yet, where this focus exists, the political ecology of less economically valuable or ‘noncharismatic’ resources is thereby obscured. Thus, Nigeria's dependency on oil production has generated much scholarly attention with its unstable political economy described as a rentier state. In contrast, this paper draws on extensive field experience and knowledge about the country to assess in a preliminary manner some of the dimensions and ramifications of a less well known second‐tier natural resource commodity that is gaining attention as part of a possible national economic diversification strategy. Using the case of bitumen, a viscous hydrocarbon mainly used in road surfacing and roofing work, I assess the trajectory of this relatively overlooked resource, thereby opening a window onto the political ecology of a noncharismatic resource. In contrast to the ubiquitous violence in the oil‐based Niger Delta, I suggest that bitumen political ecologies, while also provoking political conflict and debate, nonetheless seem to being marked by new power dynamics that might augur a less violence prone path in terms of Nigeria's political economy of natural resource production. 相似文献
15.
分析1982—2019年中国核心学术刊物和著作，梳理地理学和政治学对于“地缘政治”概念和研究范式的不同理解。研究发现：① 地理学和政治学有很多相似之处，包括对“地缘战略”等概念的关注，对“大国安全与崛起”等议题的探讨，以及在分析框架中对案例和质性分析方法的强调等；② 地理学和政治学有各具特色，地理学衍生“地缘环境”等概念，政治学也衍生“地缘安全”等概念；地理学在议题上更具空间和系统思维，对海洋地缘政治等话题更偏好，而政治学更强调时事性，侧重于分析时事政治及其地缘政治逻辑等；在分析框架上，地理学受计量革命的影响深远，对质性和定量分析都有所关注，而政治学对案例分析和质性分析的依赖度更高。这些发现说明了当前学科分工并没有改变地理学中的“地缘政治”概念和政治学中的“地缘政治”概念源出一脉的事实，同时也发现，其中的差异正是学科壁垒形成关键所在。 相似文献
16.
中国政治地理学研究进展——基于国家科学基金资助的分析 总被引：3，自引：1，他引：2
国家科学基金(国家自然科学基金和国家社会科学基金的统称)研究立项课题旨在探究重大现实问题以及学科前沿发展,在很大程度上反映了相关学科研究的进展和整体水平。通过分析近20年来中国国家自然科学基金和社会科学基金对政治地理相关议题的资助,以及受资助人在该时期对相关议题的科研情况,得出以下结论：①2011年以来,国内政治地理学逐渐被认可和关注,并呈现出以北京、广州、昆明和上海研究机构为辐射中心的地理特征;②国内政治地理研究重点为边境与边界、环境政治、领土(主权和安全)、行政区划和管治、尺度和空间、社会和文化政治等六大议题;③国内政治地理研究日渐与国际接轨,但行政区划和管治等是独特的研究。整体而言,随着国家科学基金对政治地理研究支持力度的加大,期望能瞄准国际研究前沿和国内需求,建构符合中国国情的政治地理学学科体系。 相似文献
17.
在历史上,中外地理系或地理专业被撤销或改名的事件不断重演,催生出地理学是否为一门脆弱的学科的关键问题。文章选取在地理学思想史上有重大影响的哈佛大学撤销地理系事件作为典型案例,在分析其背景的基础上,根据多种文献资料,深入透视该事件的真相及其后续影响。哈佛大学撤销地理系的原因非常复杂,主要是科学主义盛行的氛围、大学管理者的傲慢、自然与人文的内斗、政治因素、歧视同性恋、大学财政拨款受限、特定的时代背景等。地理学的脆弱性实际上是学科身份认同和如何定位的问题,它主要取决于如何处理地理学与其他学科、社会、政府与管理部门的关系,也就是地理学的科学性、社会性和政治性。作为一门早已独立且历史悠久的交叉学科,地理学与其他学科、社会和政治的密切关联既是其脆弱之处,也是其优势所在。 相似文献
18.
‘Alternative’ food initiatives (AFIs) are often interpreted as political movements, constructed as defiant alternatives to industrial agri‐food relations, and represented by a performance of singular alterity. This understanding of alternative collapses into a mere politics of identity, criticised in the literature for its oversimplification. In this paper, we utilise an established methodological framework that retains AFI diversity, to create a novel typology of AFIs by diverse and embodied practice rather than animating political project. In doing so, we point to the political potential for AFIs to ‘do’ food otherwise and make different worlds. 相似文献
19.
Adrian Gonzalez 《社会与自然资源》2018,31(6):649-665
This paper sets out to evaluate the freedom of voice for Peruvian stakeholders affected by hydrocarbon development. This occurs through the utilization of a political ecology of voice (PEV) theoretical framework based upon the theory of voice by Albert Hirschman and political ecology. PEV can be defined as the study of economic, political, social, and geographical factors over a specific time period and their impact upon the use of voice by stakeholders. Peru’s case study was focused on its main oil-producing Loreto Region and incorporated evaluation of hydrocarbon voice mechanisms (prior consultation and environmental impact assessments) supported by interview testimony of stakeholders and state officials. PEV analysis reveals a political environment which is dangerous, inflexible, and intolerant of Peruvian stakeholders voicing over hydrocarbon development. This is due to the state’s zealous pursuit of its “selva (rainforest) hydrocarbon and development vision” which severely undermines Peruvian stakeholder’s freedom of voice. 相似文献
20.
基于报业话语的广州非裔社区的空间想象分析 总被引：4，自引：0，他引：4
使用文本分析和访谈的方法,本文检视了2007-2017年广州报业对广州非裔群体及非裔社区的话语表征。研究发现,受媒体自身对新闻素材的要求以及地方政治实践对媒体的影响,早期的广州报纸构建了指向性明确、有符号意味且被污名化的非裔空间地图。早先的话语产生了消极的社会影响,且一定程度上激化了非裔群体和地方社会的矛盾。其后,随着宏观政治格局的变化,尤其是置于构建社会主义和谐社会与中非合作论坛等语境时,广州报业媒体对于非裔报道致力于塑造中非发展共同体的地理想象,构建积极的广州非裔和非裔社区的形象,以期重构非裔社区的意义。广州报业的非裔话语是族裔社区空间形象构建过程,进而成为地方政治、国家政治和国际政治持续投影、纠葛和变化的地理再现。研究从社会文化地理学和政治地理学的角度丰富了对族裔社区划界、空间生产和地理想象的理解,试图建立报业舆论与地缘政治的地理视角联结。从实践和应用的角度来讲,本文探讨了全球化背景下媒体话语对跨境文化交融带来的挑战和影响,对于实现全球化背景下的中外多元文化交融与协商、实现良性的国际关系互动具有一定的参考价值。 相似文献